Patterns of Global Terrorism. Editor: Anna Sabasteanski. Volume 1, Berkshire Publishing, 2005.
The Year in Review
There were 321 international terrorist attacks during 1994, a 25-percent decrease from the 431 recorded the previous year and the lowest annual total in 23 years. Sixty-six were anti-US attacks, down from 88 in 1993.
A powerful bomb destroyed a Jewish cultural center in Buenos Aires in July, killing nearly 100 persons and wounding more than 200 others. The bombing could well be the work of Hizballah, which claimed responsibility for an almost identical bombing of the Israeli Embassy in Buenos Aires in 1992.
A serious hijacking occurred on 24 December in Algiers when terrorists from the Armed Islamic Group took over an Air France jet, murdered three passengers, and flew the plane with 170 hostages to Marseille. The assault ended two days later with a remarkably successful rescue operation by French commandos that resulted in the deaths of all four hijackers and no other fatalities.
There were numerous deadly attacks by the Islamic extremist group HAMAS against Israelis. In April a bomb in Fula that exploded near a commuter bus killed eight persons and wounded 50, mostly children who were waiting to ride the bus back from school. In October a suicide bomber detonated a device inside a public bus in the heart of Tel Aviv’s business and shopping district, killing 22 Israeli passengers plus the perpetrator and wounding at least 48. Also in October, two HAMAS gunmen armed with assault rifles and grenades attacked civilians in a popular restaurant district in the center of Jerusalem, killing two Israeli citizens and wounding 13 persons, including two Americans.
On 9 October, Israeli Army Corporal Nachshon Wachsman, while hitchhiking in central Israel, was kidnapped by HAMAS terrorists. They demanded the release of HAMAS spiritual leader Sheikh Yassin and 200 Palestinian prisoners from Israeli jails and released a videotape of Wachsman in captivity asking that Israel comply with the demand. Israeli forces located Wachsman in a West Bank house, which they stormed in an effort to free him, but his captors killed him as the raid began. One Israeli soldier and three kidnappers were also killed.
A member of the Jewish extremist group Kach attacked Palestinian worshippers at Hebron’s al-lbrahimi Mosque in February, killing 29 and wounding more than 200. The Israeli Cabinet subsequently outlawed Kach and the affiliated group Kahane Chai, declaring them to be terrorist organizations.
Four Americans were killed in terrorist attacks during 1994. Corporal Nachshon Wachsman, mentioned previously, held dual Israeli and American citizenship. Three other Americans died in an apparent suicide bombing of a Panamanian commuter aircraft in July that killed all 21 persons aboard. Four Americans were wounded as a result of HAMAS attacks in Israel during the year, and another—an American priest—was wounded after he was kidnapped by terrorists in the Philippines.
Worldwide casualties numbered 314 persons dead and 663 wounded.
There were no confirmed acts of terrorism—either international or domestic—committed in the United States during 1994. In January, explosive devices were found outside two New York City office buildings. Both buildings housed Jewish-American organizations that actively support the Middle East peace process. These suspected terrorist incidents remain under investigation by the FBI.
On 24 May, four men convicted in the February 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center in New York City were each sentenced to 240 years in prison. The judge arrived at this figure by calculating the life expectancy of each of the six persons killed in the attack and adding mandatory prison terms for assault on a federal officer. Two other suspects in the bombing remained at large at the end of the year.
The trial of 12 defendants accused of plotting to blow up several landmarks in New York City began in 1995.
In October, a judge in St. Louis, Missouri, sentenced three members of the Abu Nidal organization (ANO) to prison sentences of 21 months for plotting acts of terrorism within the United States. The three had pled guilty to Federal racketeering charges that included allegations they smuggled money and information, bought weapons, recruited members, illegally obtained passports, and obstructed investigations.
Civil wars and ethnic conflict continue to rage in Sub-Saharan Africa (for example, Somalia, Sudan, Angola, and Liberia), and several acts of international terrorism took place in Africa in 1994. The rightwing South African rejectionist Afrikaner Resistance Movement detonated a car bomb in Johannesburg in protest of South Africa’s first multiracial elections. Togolese oppositionists may have been responsible for a grenade attack on a French-owned restaurant that wounded five French and two Beninese citizens.
Sudan turned over the international terrorist Carlos to France in August, but insisted that action did not represent a change in Sudanese policy and would not affect other terrorists harbored in Sudan.
In January, rival factions of the Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC) claimed responsibility for a mortar attack on the Chevron administrative facility in Malongo. FLEC has targeted Western oil companies in the past in hopes of reducing government revenues. In late November, FLEC-Renovada claimed credit for kidnapping three Polish citizens employed by an Italian forestry company.
On 7 November the rebel group Revolutionary United Front (RUF) kidnapped two British engineers working for the Voluntary Service Organization. The group also captured four relief workers who were subsequently released.
There were a number of serious incidents of domestic political violence in the runup to South Africa’s first multiracial election in April 1994. There was also one act of international terrorism on 27 April when members of the rightwing Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB) detonated a car bomb at the Jan Smuts Airport in Johannesburg. The bomb injured 16, including two Russian diplomats and a pilot for Swiss Air.
There were a number of incidents of domestic political violence in Togo in 1994 and one act of international terrorism. Togolese oppositionists, retaliating for what they believe is French support for President Eyadama, were probably responsible for a grenade attack on a French-owned restaurant that wounded five French citizens and two Beninese.
In 1994 the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), an insurgent group operating in northern Uganda, carried out a number of attacks against foreign relief organizations, accusing them of collaborating with the Museveni government. On 23 June, for example, the LRA ambushed a World Food Program convoy belonging to the Catholic Relief Services.
Ethnic tensions continued to pose serious terrorism concerns in South Asia in 1994. The Sri Lankan separatist group Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) is widely believed to have been behind an October suicide bombing attack that killed a leading presidential candidate and 56 other people. Pakistan continued to provide support to some of the insurgents fighting in Indian-controlled Kashmir. Targeting of foreigners by Kashmiri militants resulted in several high-profile kidnappings in 1994, including the abduction of British and American hostages in October and the abduction of British hikers near Srinigar, Kashmir, in June. Pakistan continued to claim that India supported separatists in Sindh Province.
Instability in Afghanistan occasionally spilled over into Pakistan. Afghan mujahedin kidnapped 81 Pakistanis on a schoolbus in Peshawar in February. Pakistani soldiers stormed the bus and killed the three Afghan gunmen. More than 20 camps in Afghanistan that once trained mujahedin to fight the Soviets are now being used to train militant Arabs, Kashmiris, Tajiks, and Muslims for new areas of conflict. Several hundred veterans of the Afghan war have been implicated in the violence that has wracked Algeria and Egypt during the last several years. Many of the supporters of the blind Egyptian cleric Sheikh Omar Abdul Rahman, several of whom were convicted of the bombing of the World Trade Center, fought with or actively supported the Afghan mujahedin.
There were no attacks against US facilities in the Philippines in 1994. Muslim extremist guerrillas—probably from the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG)—kidnapped an American priest in July. He was rescued by Philippine Marines and members of another Muslim group. On 11 December a Philippine Airlines 747 en route from Manila to Tokyo was bombed, killing one person and injuring at least 10. Khmer Rouge insurgents posed a growing threat to travelers in Cambodia. Over the course of the year, the group kidnapped and killed at least six Westerners. An American was freed in May after one and one-half months in captivity. In Thailand, in March, police discovered a truck loaded with explosives in downtown Bangkok near the Israeli Embassy, which was probably the target of an attack that was aborted when the truck became involved in an accident, causing the driver to flee. One Iranian has been put on trial in the incident.
Afghanistan, which lacks a functioning government, remains a training ground for Islamic militants committed to over-throwing regimes that maintain strong ties to Western governments. More than 20 camps in Afghanistan that once trained mujahedin to fight the Soviets are now being used to train militant Arabs, Kashmiris, Tajiks, and others for new areas of conflict. Most of these facilities—located south and east of Kabul—are overseen by the nominal Afghan Prime Minister, Gulbuddin Hikmatyar, or by one of his domestic rivals—Abdul Rasul Sayyaf, the leader of a small militant Afghan Wahhabi party, who is backed by several affluent foreign benefactors. Training in these camps focuses on tactics and techniques for conducting terrorist and insurgent operations, such as instruction on the use of sophisticated weapons, improvised explosives, boobytraps, and timing devices for bombs. The camps allow militants from throughout the world to train together, meet with new benefactors, and help foster relationships between otherwise disparate extremist groups.
Although only a few thousand veterans of the Afghan Jihad, along with a few hundred newly trained militants, are actively engaged in insurgent or terrorist activity worldwide, they are often responsible for raising the level of sophistication and destructiveness of extremist operations. Several hundred veterans of the Afghan war have been implicated in the violence that has wracked Algeria and Egypt during the last several years. Two of the leading Algerian extremists, Kamreddine Kherbane and Boudjemma Bounoua, participated in the Afghan Jihad. Many of the supporters of the blind Egyptian cleric, Sheikh Omar Abdul Rahman, several of whom were convicted of the bombing of the World Trade Center, fought with or actively supported the Afghan mujahedin. Many Islamists active in Egypt’s two most violent extremist groups—al-Gama’a al-Islamiyya and al-Jihad—received training in Afghanistan.
The current Afghan regime—deeply embroiled in its own struggle for survival—has been unable to control or eliminate the training of extremists on its territory or terrorist use of the camps as safehavens. Some local Afghan leaders have taken some steps against the militants, but their efforts are limited by bickering, greed, and the militants’ military and financial strength.
Diminished by defections and a declining support base, the Khmer Rouge increasingly turned toward banditry and terror in 1994. Khmer Rouge radio commentaries on several occasions threatened physical harm to Americans and other foreign nationals living in Cambodia. Travelers in some areas outside Phnom Penh, particularly remote rural districts, faced security threats from the Khmer Rouge and from bandits. An American was taken hostage and held by Khmer Rouge elements for one and one half months but was eventually released unharmed. Many other civilians, however, were killed by the Khmer Rouge in 1994. The victims were mainly ordinary Cambodian villagers, but foreigners, including Thais, Vietnamese, and six Western tourists (three from Britain, two from Australia, and one from France), were killed by the Khmer Rouge in 1994.
India continues to face significant security problems as a result of insurgencies in Kashmir and the northeast. Targeting of foreigners by Kashmiri militants resulted in several high-profile kidnappings in 1994, including the abduction of British and American hostages in October and the abduction of British hikers near Srinagar, Kashmir, in June. There are credible reports of support by the Government of Pakistan for Kashmiri militants. The Government of India has been largely successful in controlling the Sikh separatist movement in Punjab State, and Sikh militants now only rarely stage attacks in India.
The Indian Government proceeded with the investigation and trial of suspects in the series of blasts that struck Bombay on 12 March 1993. On 5 August 1994, the government arrested a key suspect in the case, Yaqub Memon. The Memon family allegedly perpetrated the Bombay attack. The Government of India has claimed that Memon was carrying documents that incriminated Pakistan.
Pakistan continues to experience occasional violence as a result of instability in Afghanistan. Much of this violence occurs in Pakistan’s northwest border region. On 20 February, Afghan mujahedin kidnapped 81 Pakistanis on a schoolbus in Peshawar. The hijackers ordered the busdriver to proceed to Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto’s residence in Islamabad. Following extensive negotiations, Pakistani soldiers stormed the bus and killed the three Afghan gunmen. Some regions of Pakistan also suffer from heavy sectarian, political, and criminal violence, particularly Sindh Province and its capital, Karachi, and the Pakistani tribal area bordering Afghanistan.
Pakistan recognizes the problems posed by Afghan mujahedin and sympathetic Arabs in the Pakistani regions that border Afghanistan. In 1994, Islamabad refused to extend the visas of many Arabs who had fought in the Afghan war and who had taken refuge in Pakistan’s tribal areas and the North-West Frontier Province. Pakistan also closed several nongovernmental organizations it suspected were being used as cover agencies for Islamic militants from the Middle East. Pakistan concluded an extradition treaty with Egypt in late 1994 with the express purpose of extraditing “Arab mujahedin” operating in Peshawar.
The Government of Pakistan acknowledges that it continues to give moral, political, and diplomatic support to Kashmiri militants but denies allegations of other assistance. There were credible reports in 1994, however, of official Pakistani support to Kashmiri militants. Some support came from private organizations such as the Jamaat-i-lslami, Pakistan’s largest Islamic party. Pakistan condemned the kidnappings in June and October 1994 of foreign tourists by Kashmiri militants in India. Pakistan has claimed that India provides support for separatists in Sindh Province.
There were no attacks against official US facilities in the Philippines in 1994, but Muslim extremist guerrillas—probably from the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG)—kidnapped an American priest, Clarence William Bertelsman, on 31 July. He was held for several hours before being rescued by Philippine Marines and members of the largest Muslim separatist group, the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). On 11 December a Philippine Airlines 747 en route from Manila to Tokyo was bombed, killing one person and injuring at least 10 others, mostly Japanese citizens. The Philippine Government has been trying to reach a negotiated settlement to both Communist and Muslim insurgencies and currently observes a ceasefire with the MNLF as talks continue.
The separatist group Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) continued to plague the government in 1994, with insurgency and terrorism directed against senior Sri Lankan political and military leaders in the countryside and in Colombo as well. Despite the beginning of peace negotiations between the government and the LTTE, the Tigers continued to pose a significant terrorist threat. The Tigers are widely believed to be behind an October suicide bombing attack that killed a leading presidential candidate and 56 other people.
The LTTE has refrained from targeting Western tourists out of fear that foreign governments would crack down on Tamil expatriates involved in fundraising activities abroad. However, in April 1994 the Ellalan Force, an LTTE front group, claimed credit for bombing several major tourist hotels in Colombo. The blasts, which caused only minor damage and two injuries, probably were intended to damage Colombo’s tourist industry rather than to harm Westerners. The Ellalan Force also claimed in August to have poisoned tea—Sri Lanka’s primary export—with arsenic, although none was ever found. Threatening Sri Lanka’s two leading economic activities demonstrates the Tigers’ interest in economic terrorism. The Tigers possess the infrastructure to make good on most of their recent threats should the current peace talks with the government fail.
Thai police discovered a truck loaded with an ammonium nitrate mixture and about 6 pounds of plastic explosives in downtown Bangkok on 17 March. The driver abandoned the truck after hitting another vehicle near the Israeli Embassy, which was probably the intended target. The Thai Government is prosecuting one Iranian in connection with the attempted bombing but concluded it does not have enough evidence to charge two other suspects. In southern Thailand, Muslim separatists, such as the Pattani United Liberation Front, continued to engage in low-level violence against the government.
Terrorism in Europe declined somewhat in 1994, in part because of a cease-fire in Northern Ireland declared by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) on 1 September, and by the Loyalist paramilitary groups in early October. In the eastern Mediterranean region, the Greek leftist group 17 November continued to target foreign businesses and diplomats, as well as Greek Government figures, and the Turkish separatist Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) attacked tourist sites in western Turkish resort areas on the Aegean Sea. In Spain, the Basque Fatherland and Liberty group (ETA) continued lethal attacks against Spanish police and military targets. A Bosnian Muslim protesting the three-year-old conflict in the former Yugoslavia hijacked a domestic SAS flight in Norway; there were no casualties. Ethnic tensions in regions of the former Soviet Union have spawned acts of terrorism in the Caucasus and the Baltic republics. In September there was an attempted bombing of an airliner in Georgia. In November there was a hijacking of a Russian airliner to Estonia, which ended peacefully. In Lithuania, there were two bombings of a rail line connecting the Russian enclave of Kaliningrad with the Russian republic. Violence in this region has not, for the most part, been directed at foreigners.
On 10 April several gunmen crossed into Albania from Greece and stormed a border guard facility, killing two persons and seriously wounding three others before returning across the Greek border. A group calling itself the “Northern Epirus Liberation Front” (MAVI) claimed responsibility for the incident. It accused the Albanian Government of violating the rights of the ethnic Greek minority in Albania and berated Athens for not doing enough to support the minority. MAVI also issued a pamphlet last fall announcing the commencement of an “armed struggle” against Tirana and demanding, inter alia, the cessation of the alleged “colonization” of “Northern Epirus”—the Greek name for southern Albania, which has a large ethnic Greek population—by Albanians from the north. MAVI was the name of an ethnic Greek resistance group in Albania during World War II that operated first against the invading Italians and then against the Communists. Press reports state that the group was disbanded in the 1940s, although responsibility for the 1984 bombing of the Albanian Embassy in Athens was claimed in its name.
Several Armenian intelligence officers are being held in Moscow, accused of complicity in a series of bombings against the Baku Metro, as well as Azerbaijani trains in Russia and Azerbaijan that killed 45 persons and wounded at least 130. The Azerbaijani Supreme Court sentenced an ethnic Russian involved in the crimes to eight years in prison for engaging in intelligence work against Azerbaijan and committing acts of sabotage on its territory.
Anti-Russian sentiment may have been the catalyst for explosions and bomb threats in the Baltics last year. On 28 February, when Latvian and Russian delegations resumed talks on the withdrawal of Russian troops from Latvia, a minor blast caused by an estimated one-half kilogram of TNT damaged a power pylon near Skrunda. When Latvian and Russian officials initialed agreements on 15 March allowing Russia to retain its radar station for another five and a half years, Latvian police discovered and disarmed a timer-controlled device armed with 12 kilograms of TNT at the base of another pylon. In November, a powerful explosion destroyed a railroad bridge in Lithuania on the main railway line for international trains traveling between Moscow and the Russian exclave of Kaliningrad. The incident may have been connected to a controversy surrounding negotiations over an agreement to allow Russian military trains to transit Lithuania to Kaliningrad.
France scored a number of successes against international terrorists in 1994. In August, the Sudanese Government handed over notorious terrorist Illych Ramirez Sanchez, a.k.a. “Carlos,” previously convicted in absentia in France for the murder of two French intelligence officers. He will probably be retried on this charge and possibly others after French officials complete their investigations. In September, French officials also arrested Dursun Karatas, leader of the Turkish leftwing group Dev Sol, for entering France using a false passport. (He has since apparently escaped.) Karatas is under investigation for complicity in attacks against French interests in Turkey during the Gulf war.
French authorities made a number of sweeps against foreign Islamic extremists, seizing arms and false documents. They arrested or expelled a number of North Africans believed to have links to extremist organizations. In November, for example, French police detained 80 persons tied to Algeria’s Armed Islamic Group. French police also arrested several members of the Basque terrorist organization ETA, including the group’s second-highest ranking member, in three separate incidents during the year.
In December, a French court convicted two Iranians of involvement in the murder of former Iranian Prime Minister Bakhtiar in 1991. A third defendant, an Iranian Embassy employee, was acquitted.
On 26 December, France’s National Gendarmerie Action Group stormed an Air France plane hijacked from Algiers to Marseille, killing the four hijackers and rescuing 170 passengers and crew.
The Red Army Faction (RAF) remained deeply divided between those who opted for political means and those who wanted to engage in violence. German courts granted early release to two RAF members: Irmgard Moeller, who served 22 years of a life sentence for a car bomb attack that killed three US soldiers in 1972, and Ingrid Jakobsmeier, who served two-thirds of her sentence for participating in attacks against the US military in 1981. German authorities believe the two pose no further terrorist threat. Another RAF member, Birgit Hogefeld, went on trial in November for her part in a number of attacks, including a bombing at a US airbase in Frankfurt in 1985 that killed a US soldier.
Several smaller leftwing factions resumed operations. After a six-year hiatus, the Revolutionary Cells (RZ) reappeared with an arson attack on the Frankfurt subway system protesting higher fares and “racist” practices among ticket controllers. Red Zora, the feminist branch of the RZ, also reemerged and set fire to trucks belonging to a company that supplied groceries to refugee facilities on the premise that the firm was “making money off refugees.” Unidentified leftwing terrorists, probably on the RAF periphery, bombed offices of the ruling political parties in two cities in September.
Rightwing extremist attacks continued to decline last year. There were still more than 1,000 reported attacks—down from about 2,200 in 1993—but arson and mob attacks against refugee homes virtually ceased, and assaults on individual foreigners occurred less frequently. The most significant incident took place on 12 May, when at least 50 youths chased five foreigners through the streets of Magdeburg. However, during 1994, the number of anti-Semitic attacks increased; rightwing extremists threw firebombs at a synagogue in Luebeck and desecrated Jewish cemeteries elsewhere.
Greece was the venue for a large number of international terrorist attacks in 1994. The most deadly attack was the 4 July assassination of the acting Deputy Chief of Mission of the Turkish Embassy, claimed by the Revolutionary Organization 17 November. Events in the Balkans probably sparked a number of other attacks against Western interests in Greece in April, including an unsuccessful mortar attack against the British aircraft carrier Ark Royal in Piraeus claimed by 17 November. Attacks also were made against American, Dutch, French, and German commercial and diplomatic targets. The Revolutionary People’s Struggle (ELA) claimed two bombing attempts against the office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugee Affairs.
In July, three improvised bombs exploded on the Island of Rhodes, injuring one foreign tourist and a Greek citizen. No group has claimed responsibility.
Greek authorities made little progress in 1994 against terrorist groups, in part due to ambivalent government attitudes toward counterterrorism. Greece still lacks a new antiterrorism law to replace legislation repealed in December 1993 by the incoming PASOK government. In addition, suspected terrorist Georgios Balafas was acquitted on 25 July of murder, armed robbery, and other charges. He still faces trial in two other cases—weapons and narcotics charges—but was released in September on “humanitarian” grounds after a reported hunger strike. While in the prison hospital, he was visited by the then Minister of Transportation and Communications as a “gesture of support.”
Leftwing groups modeled on the largely defunct Red Brigades carried out several small-scale attacks, including the bombing of the NATO Defense College in Rome on 10 January. The attack was claimed by the Combatant Communist Nuclei for the Construction of the Combatant Communist Party.
In September, four members of the Red Brigades for the Construction of the Communist Combatant Party, another neo-Red Brigades group, were convicted of involvement in the attack on the NATO base in Aviano in September 1993.
Separatist and internal power struggles, particularly in the North Caucasus region of Russia, continued to spawn domestic violence and terrorism. In July, four gunmen from the separatist Chechnya region hijacked a bus carrying more than 40 passengers. The incident ended tragically when four hostages were killed as Russian police stormed the hijackers’ getaway helicopter. There were also a number of airplane hijackings, including one in the Chechnya region in which the hijacker blew himself up after releasing several passengers and watching the others escape.
Spanish authorities scored several successes against the separatist group Basque Fatherland and Liberty (ETA), including the disruption of the “Comando Vizcaya” subunit in November. One ETA member was killed and two arrested after a failed assassination attempt against a Spanish soldier. Continuing close cooperation between Spanish and French police resulted in a September raid on an ETA explosives factory in France and the arrest of five ETA members in November, including the group’s number-two figure.
ETA carried out one act of international terrorism in 1994 with the attempted assassination of the Spanish military attache in Rome. Domestic attacks by ETA fell off at the end of the year, but the group retains its lethal capabilities.
International terrorism has become an important part of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) campaign to establish a breakaway state in southeast Turkey and presents a potentially serious threat to US interests. PKK attacks against tourists in Turkey last year were particularly violent, although the over-all number of terrorist attacks was significantly lower than in 1993. Three attacks on tourist sites in Istanbul in May killed two foreign tourists—the first to be killed by the PKK—and injured several others. In June, the PKK was also responsible for several small bombs that exploded in two Turkish resort towns on the Mediterranean coast, killing a British woman and injuring at least 10 other tourists. In the latest in a series of kidnappings of foreign travelers, the PKK abducted two Finnish tourists on 8 August and released them unharmed three weeks later. The PKK also attacked government and commercial targets in major Turkish cities, presenting an incidental risk to foreign visitors, as well as Turks. PKK terrorist attacks on Turkish citizens, including ethnic Kurds, continued unabated.
The PKK continued to expand its activities in Western Europe, where its members clashed with police frequently throughout the year. For the first time, the PKK also directly targeted Western interests in Europe. It blocked highways in Germany with burning tires in March and conducted demonstrations in a number of German cities, some of which turned into violent confrontations with the police. After German police killed a Kurdish youth in Hannover, the PKK organized protests and sit-ins at the German Embassy in Athens and a German Consulate in Denmark. The PKK also mounted demonstrations in several West European countries after British immigration authorities detained Kani Yilmaz, the senior PKK leader in Europe, in October. The PKK also opened offices of its political wing (ERNK) in Italy and Greece.
The Marxist/Leninist terrorist group Dev Sol (Devrimci Sol), or Revolutionary Left, remained a threat to US interests and personnel in Turkey, despite a series of setbacks the group has suffered over the last two years. Dev Sol’s two factions were largely inactive last year as they continued to battle each other and as the Turkish police arrested numerous operatives. Some members of the group sprang into action after French authorities arrested Dursun Karatas, the head of the major Dev Sol faction, on 9 September as he tried to enter France from Italy on falsified documents. Over the next several weeks, Dev Sol supporters protested in Austria, Belgium, and the Netherlands demanding Karatas’ release. Dev Sol operatives in Turkey assassinated former Justice Minister Mehmet Topac on 29 September in Ankara and also killed a policeman in Istanbul.
Several groups of loosely organized Turkish Islamic extremists, who advocate an Islamic government for Turkey, attacked targets associated with the Turkish secular state. They claimed attacks under a variety of names, such as Islamic Jihad, the Islamic Movement Organization, and the Islamic Great Eastern Raiders Front. The Islamic extremists also pursue a strong anti-Western agenda. In May 1994, Islamic terrorists claimed responsibility for bombing the Ankara branch of the Freemason organization. In September, a Turkish political scientist known for his secular writings escaped death when a car bomb planted by Islamic extremists failed to explode.
The Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) announced a “complete cessation of military operations” beginning on 1 September. Other Republican splinter groups in Northern Ireland also ceased attacks after that date, although most have not formally agreed to a cease-fire. PIRA’s leadership denied authorizing the use of firearms in a robbery on 10 November carried out by a lower-level unit in Newry that resulted in the death of a postal worker. The Combined Military Loyalist Command, an umbrella group comprising three loyalist paramilitary groups, announced its own cease-fire beginning 14 October.
Both Loyalists and Republicans carried out a number of international and domestic terrorist attacks before the ceasefire. Loyalists carried out several attacks in the Republic of Ireland, including a lethal attack in May on a Dublin pub during a Sinn Fein fundraiser. In March three separate attacks by PlRA on Heathrow International Airport in London failed when the mortar rounds used did not detonate.
On 26 July, a bomb contained in a car exploded outside the Israeli Chancery in London at approximately noon causing substantial structural damage and injuring 14 persons. The car carrying the explosives was driven by a woman described as in her fifties and “Middle Eastern” in appearance. On 27 July, shortly after midnight, another bomb contained in a car exploded in north London outside Balfour House, a Jewish fundraising organization. This bomb caused some structural damage to the building but resulted in limited casualties, primarily because of the time it was detonated. Five passers-by were injured by the blast.
On 26 October, British authorities arrested Faysal Dunlayici, a.k.a. Kani Yilmaz, a high-ranking leader of the PKK based in Europe. The arrest sparked protests from PKK supporters in the United Kingdom, and Germany and Turkey have requested his extradition.
Ethnic conflict and endemic violence plagued the former Yugoslavia for a third year, although in 1994 the fighting was largely restricted to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Meanwhile, a Bosnian Muslim, claiming that he wanted to focus world attention on the plight of his kinsmen, hijacked an SAS airliner during a domestic flight in Norway on 3 November. He surrendered peacefully to Norwegian authorities after landing in Oslo. This was the first such incident on behalf of one of the warring factions of the former Yugoslavia.
Latin American Overview
Latin America continued to have a high level of international terrorist activity, although the number of attacks decreased by 40 percent from the previous year to 58 attacks.
In July, an attack on the Argentine-Israeli Mutual Association (AMIA) in Buenos Aires killed nearly 100 persons and injured more than 200. The leading suspect in this incident is Hizballah. Twenty-one persons, of whom 12 were Jewish, were killed when a Panamanian commuter aircraft was bombed in July, apparently by a suicide bomber. These attacks raised concerns about the reported presence of members of Hizballah in Latin America, especially in the triborder area where Brazilian, Argentine, and Paraguayan territories meet.
Colombia continued to suffer the highest incidence of terrorist violence in the region. Guerrillas attacked the democratic process by attempting to sabotage Colombia’s 1994 presidential, congressional, and departmental elections. Rebel organizations also targeted petroleum companies and infiltrated trade unions, particularly in the banana and petroleum industries, intimidating rank-and-file union members. US business interests and Mormon missionaries were attacked by guerrillas, and nine US citizens were being held hostage by guerrillas at the end of the year. Six of these were US missionaries. Kidnapping continued as a major source of income for the Colombian guerrillas.
Guerrillas in the region continued to attack national interests causing damage to local economies particularly in Colombia, Peru, and Guatemala. In the Andean Region, the connection between guerrilla groups and narcotraffickers remained strong. Guerrillas forced coca and amapola cultivators to pay protection money and attacked government efforts to reduce production.
Terrorist violence decreased in Peru during the year. The Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) assassinated 150 persons, down from 516 the previous year when its leader was imprisoned. Various Peruvian terrorist groups suffered setbacks due to arrests, casualties, and defections under the government’s amnesty program. Government actions in Chile also resulted in a decline of terrorist violence.
In reaction to the terrorist violence in the region, the heads of state of the Western Hemisphere nations adopted a plan of action against terrorism at the December Summit of the Americas. The plan called for cooperation among nations in combating terrorism and for the prosecution of terrorists while protecting human rights. The nations of the hemisphere also agreed to convene a special OAS conference on the prevention of terrorism and reaffirmed the importance of extradition treaties in combating terrorism.
Argentina suffered the worst terrorist attack perpetrated in Latin America during 1994. On 18 July, a suicide bomber detonated a vehicle loaded with explosives in front of the AMIA. The powerful bombing killed nearly 100 people, many of whom were crushed by the collapsing building. The bombing of Argentina’s main Jewish center was operationally similar to the 1992 bombing directed against the Israeli Embassy in Buenos Aires, which left 29 persons dead and destroyed the building. The Islamic Jihad organization, an arm of the Lebanese Hizballah, claimed responsibility for the 1992 bombing. According to media reports, an organization using the name Ansar Allah, or Followers of God, issued a statement expressing support for the 1994 operation. The Argentine Government dedicated substantial resources to investigate the bombing, but the crime remained unsolved at yearend.
Politically motivated violence in Chile declined dramatically in 1994 as Chilean security forces reined in the nation’s terrorist groups. In June, the government all but eliminated the Lautaro terrorist organization by capturing its founder and leader, Guillermo Ossandon, one of the most wanted outlaws in Chile. A second round of arrests was made against second-tier Lautaro leaders in August. Two prominent members of the Manuel Rodriguez Patriotic Front (FPMR) voluntarily returned from exile to Chile and were arrested by police. One of them, Sergio Buschman—wanted for his role in directing a multiton shipment of Cuban-supplied weapons into Chile in 1986—had escaped from a Chilean prison in 1987 and lived several years in Nicaragua.
Colombia’s two main guerrilla groups—the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN)—intensified political violence during 1994, particularly preceding presidential, congressional, and municipal elections. In part to intimidate politicians and government officials, the insurgents conducted dozens of bombings, kidnappings of candidates, and assassinations of local officials and members of the security forces. In July, the FARC assassinated an Army general, the highest ranking Army casualty in two decades.
While the vast majority of the violence in the nation was directed against local targets, Colombia was the location of 41 international terrorist attacks in 1994, the highest in the region. Oil pipelines owned jointly by the Government of Colombia and Western companies continued to be bombed by the rebels, but at a slower pace than in 1993. US interests sustained several terrorist attacks during the year, more than in any other Latin American country. For instance, suspected ELN rebels bombed a Coca-Cola plant in January, and FARC and ELN guerrillas attacked at least five Mormon churches during the year. The rebels also conducted a series of kidnappings of US citizens; the FARC is suspected of kidnapping at least five US citizens in 1994. At yearend, both rebel groups held hostage as many as nine Americans, six of whom are US missionaries. This appears to be the largest number of Americans held in Colombia at any one time.
In 1994 there were 1,378 reported kidnappings, a 35-percent increase from 1993. This figure, however, is considered low because many families deal with the kidnappers directly without reporting the crime. It is estimated that 50 percent of these recorded instances were by guerrillas who rely on the ransom payments to finance their activities.
In November, after only a few months in office, President Ernesto Samper announced his administration’s willingness to negotiate with the nation’s violent guerrilla organizations, emphasizing that the insurgents need to demonstrate a genuine desire for reaching a negotiated settlement. Unlike his predecessor, the President did not condition negotiations on a rebel cease-fire. While both the FARC and ELN have characterized the government’s proposal as positive, government officials cautioned against expectations that negotiations would begin soon.
The government is also exposing further links between the guerrillas and narcotraffickers. Various guerrilla fronts, particularly in southeastern Colombia, provide security and other services for different narcotics trafficking organizations.
The only significant act of domestic terrorism in 1994 was the dynamiting of a power transmission tower in May by a group known as the Red Sun, which led to the rapid apprehension of the group’s leadership. The group was disbanded following the arrest of its leaders.
Despite on-again/off-again peace talks, Guatemala’s 34-year-old insurgency continues. There are three major armed guerrilla groups—the FAR (Revolutionary Armed Forces), the ORPA (Revolutionary Organization of the People in Arms), and the EGP (Guerrilla Army of the Poor). These groups, along with the Communist PGT (Guatemalan Workers’ Party), are allied in the URNG (Guatemalan National Revolutionary Union).
On 19 July a bomb aboard a commuter plane flying between Colon and Panama City detonated, killing all 21 persons aboard, including three American citizens. Twelve of the passengers were Jews. According to media reports, an organization using the name Ansar Allah, or Followers of God, issued a statement expressing support for the bombing, which appeared to be a suicide operation by a person with a Middle Eastern name. Panama has made no arrests in connection with the bombing, but it is cooperating closely with a US law enforcement investigation.
At yearend, Panamanian authorities had outstanding arrest warrants for two of the three individuals sought for questioning in connection with the 1992 murder of US Army Corporal Zak Hernandez. On 23 September, Panamanian President Ernesto Perez Balladares granted amnesties to 216 individuals, including six former Panamanian Defense Force personnel linked to the 1989 kidnapping, torture, and murder of American citizen Raymond Dragseth during Operation Just Cause.
Political violence and the number of international terrorist incidents in Peru declined in 1994. Both of Peru’s terrorist organizations—Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) and the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA)—suffered serious reversals during the year, including numerous arrests, casualties, and defections under the government’s amnesty program for terrorists, which was phased out in November. The MRTA, the smaller of the two groups, was hit hard by the government’s counterterrorism effort and is virtually defunct.
Two years after the capture of Abimael Guzman, Sendero Luminoso’s founder and leader, the Maoist terrorist group is struggling, attempting to rebuild and resolve its leadership problems. Guzman’s 1993 peace offer continued to divide the organization between Sendero militants in favor of continuing the armed struggle and those preferring to adhere to their jailed leader’s proposal. Consequently, recruitment of new cadres has been hindered. Moreover, during the past two years Sendero’s financial lifeline—the narcotics industry in the coca-rich Upper Huallaga Valley (UHV)—was disrupted, largely because of a coca plant fungus in UHV and a more active government counternarcotics policy.
The Fujimori government continued to maintain its momentum against Sendero in 1994. Peruvian police detained two Sendero Central Committee members operating in Lima, weakening the group’s urban infrastructure and a planned terrorism campaign to commemorate a revered Sendero anniversary in June. The arrests further exacerbated logistic and financial problems in the organization. One of the detainees, Moises Limaco, was one of the most senior Sendero leaders reportedly responsible for coordinating logistics and personnel.
Despite these setbacks, Sendero proved it can still inflict serious damage. During 1994, Sendero murdered more than 150 Peruvians, down from 516 in 1993. In February, suspected Sendero militants detonated an 80-kilogram car bomb against the Air Force headquarters building in central Lima, killing two persons. In October, the group destroyed six electrical towers, cutting off power temporarily in nearly all of Lima, much of the Peruvian coast, and part of the Sierra highlands.
Three suspected members of the Basque separatist movement ETA were extradited to Spain in August by the Uruguayan Supreme Court. President Luis Alberto Lacalle’s refusal to grant political asylum for the three prompted death threats against Uruguayan diplomats in Spain. Riots outside the hospital where the hunger strikers were held on the day of their extradition resulted in one death, 90 injuries, and 28 arrests.
Middle Eastern Overview
Terrorist violence in the Middle East continued at a high level in 1994. Extremist Muslim groups, such as the Islamic Resistance Movement (HAMAS) and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), demonstrated an increasingly deadly and sophisticated capability to mount terrorist attacks aimed at destroying the Middle East peace process. In Algeria, a brutal internal conflict escalated, posing new threats to the foreign community and the safety of civil aviation.
In Israel and the occupied territories, the peace process came under sustained attack by militants determined to derail the negotiations between the Palestinian Authority (PA) and the Government of Israel. Both HAMAS and the PIJ increased their activities within Israel, in the process demonstrating an improved ability to mount more sophisticated and deadly attacks. In the worst such incident during the year, the military wing of HAMAS, the Izz el-Din al-Qassam Brigades, claimed responsibility for the 19 October suicide bombing of a commuter bus in the heart of downtown Tel Aviv that killed 22 Israelis. PIJ also claimed numerous attacks on Israelis, including the 11 November suicide bombing at Netzarim junction in Gaza that killed three Israeli soldiers. The Chairman of the PA, Yasir Arafat, condemned these attacks and took some steps to counter anti-Israeli terrorism. PA security cooperation with Israeli authorities was generally close, as demonstrated by the substantial assistance provided by Palestinian security authorities to Israel during the hunt for a kidnapped Israeli Army corporal in October. Nevertheless, Israeli officials called for a more effective crackdown by the PA on Palestinian terrorist elements. Violent Jewish opposition to the peace process also occurred; in March, the Israeli Government banned the extremist Kach and Kahane Chai groups as terrorist organizations after a Kach member murdered 29 Palestinian worshippers in a Hebron mosque in February.
The security situation in Algeria continued to deteriorate as the Armed Islamic Group (AIG) stepped up attacks against the Algerian regime and civilians. Foreigners resident in Algeria were key targets as well; 63 were killed during 1994 by AIG forces. A French Consulate employee was slain in January, and in August an attempt was made to explode a car bomb at a French diplomatic housing compound. The AIG employed an ominous new tactic in December, when AIG militants hijacked an Air France jet at Algiers airport, killing a French Embassy cook and a Vietnamese diplomat in the process. Efforts by the major Islamist and non-Islamist opposition parties to establish a political dialogue with the regime were unsuccessful, increasing the likelihood of intensified political violence.
In Egypt, the security services scored numerous successes against militants seeking to overthrow the government and establish an Islamic state. Intensified counterterrorism efforts, improved police work, and the death of an important Islamic Group (IG) leader in a police raid in April helped disrupt IG activities and stem the tide of antiforeigner attacks, which killed five tourists in 1994. IG threats against the UN-sponsored International Conference on Population and Development did not result in any security incidents, most likely due to the efforts of Egyptian security authorities and a still disorganized IG. The IG does, however, retain the capacity to attack foreign targets and disrupt the tourism industry, as evidenced by shooting assaults in September and October that killed three foreigners and three Egyptians.
Jordanian authorities continued in 1994 to maintain a tight grip on the internal security situation. Dozens of individuals were arrested in terrorism-related cases during the year, including 20 persons suspected of involvement in a series of bombings and other planned terrorist incidents. Jordan and Israel signed a full treaty of peace on 26 October 1994. Under the terms of the treaty, Jordan and Israel are committed to cooperation in combating terrorism of all kinds. However, HAMAS and other Palestinian extremists continue to maintain a presence in Amman.
Security conditions in Lebanon improved during 1994 as the government continued to take steps to extend its authority and reestablish the rule of law. In January, the government promptly arrested and prosecuted persons associated with the ANO and who assassinated a Jordanian diplomat. In April a prominent Iraqi expatriate oppositionist residing in Beirut was assassinated. The Government of Lebanon stated that it had firm evidence linking the killing to the Government of Iraq, arrested two Iraqi diplomats in connection with the incident, and broke diplomatic relations with Iraq. In March, the government banned armed demonstrations after a public celebration by the militant organization Hizballah. The government also put on trial former Lebanese Forces warlord Samir Ja’ja on charges of domestic terrorism and announced that the investigation into the 1983 bombings of the US and French peacekeepers’ barracks would be “revived.” However, significant threats to the safety of foreigners remained. Hizballah publicly threatened American interests and continued to operate with impunity in areas of Lebanon not controlled by the central government, including the south, the Biq’a [Bekaa] Valley, and Beirut’s southern suburbs. Numerous Palestinian groups with a history of terrorist violence maintain a presence in Lebanon; these include the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command and the ANO.
Moroccan authorities, alarmed by an attack on a hotel in Marrakech in August that killed two Spanish tourists, sought evidence that the incident was linked to other assaults in the country. Allegations surfaced that these attacks were politically related to the crisis in Algeria. Criminal motivations, however, are another strong possibility, and the August attack was not followed by other such incidents as of the end of the year.
The overall security situation deteriorated even further in 1994 as violence intensified throughout the country, affecting Algerians from all walks of life. Although Islamic extremists remained highly fractionalized, most of the violence was focused against regime and military targets. The extremist AIG waged a bloody war against Algerian civilians. The AIG also targeted foreigners, with 63 killed in 1994.
The influence of the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) over the extremist elements appeared to slip even further in 1994 as most of the group’s leaders remained in prison. In September the government released into house arrest FIS president Abassi Madani and vice president Ali Belhadj. The overall level of violence on all sides nonetheless increased.
The extremist AIG instead intensified its attacks against Algerian civilians, including journalists, unveiled women and girls, the intelligentsia, and anyone it accused of “cooperating” with the regime. The group often used tactics such as beheading and throat-slitting. Attacks against foreigners also increased markedly since the AIG began its antiforeigner campaign in September 1993. On 15 January a French Consulate employee was murdered; the campaign against French residents in Algeria reached a peak with the 3 August attack on a French diplomat housing compound where extremists attempted to detonate a car laden with explosives.
Other examples of attacks against foreigners included the 8 May murders of two French priests, the 11 July attack against five foreigners on their way to work at a state-owned oil site, the one-week hostage holding of the Omani and Yemeni Ambassadors, and the 18 October execution of two Schlumberger employees at a Sonatrach oil site. The AIG’s attacks against foreigners grew more sophisticated throughout 1994, and the group’s operations demonstrated a significant level of coordination in some cases. While the AIG was responsible for most of the attacks against foreigners in 1994, there are many extremist cells operating in Algeria that do not fall under a central authority that may also be responsible for such attacks.
On 24 December, members of the AIG hijacked an Air France flight in Algeria. The plane arrived in Marseille, France, on 26 December. A French antiterrorist unit stormed the plane, ending the 54-hour siege in which three hostages were killed by the terrorists. All four terrorists were killed during the rescue.
Despite the Algerian regime’s “carrot and stick” approach, the security situation at the end of 1994 remained grim. Efforts by the major Islamist and non-Islamist opposition parties to establish a political dialogue with the regime were unsuccessful; at no point during these efforts did the military halt its campaign against the Islamists. President Zeroual announced in November 1994 that presidential elections would take place by the end of 1995 but left open the question of who would be allowed to participate. The major opposition parties denounced the election proposal. Continued bloodshed appeared to be the most likely scenario for the beginning of 1995.
The pace of attacks by Islamic extremists on tourist sites in Egypt fell off somewhat during 1994. Five foreign tourists were killed in separate attacks, and more than 20 Egyptian civilians were killed in various attacks throughout Egypt in 1994. Egypt’s tourism industry, which had suffered greatly from the sustained 1993 campaign of attacks against tourist sites, began to recover somewhat in 1994 as the Egyptian Government made some successful gains in stemming the attacks.
Most attacks against Egyptian official and civilian targets, and against foreign tourists, were claimed by the extremist Islamic Group (IG). The IG seeks the violent overthrow of the Egyptian Government and began attacking tourist targets in 1992. The IG considers Sheikh Omar Abdel Rahman its “spiritual” leader; at yearend, he awaited trial in the United States on charges related to the conspiracy to attack various New York City landmarks and the United Nations.
In February, the IG initiated a limited bombing campaign against Western banks in the Cairo area. Over two months, seven banks were bombed, and an additional four bombs planted at other banks were defused. Injuries were limited, and only one of the banks suffered major damage. Nonetheless, the bank bombing campaign represented an extension of the IG’s antiforeigner attacks, and it coincided with another IG campaign of attacks against trains in Assiut, upper Egypt. Eight tourists were injured in February in a series of shooting attacks against trains running in that province. The bank bombings ended in March with the arrests of the alleged perpetrators.
In April, Egypt stepped up its counterterrorism efforts, focusing particularly on the Cairo area. An important IG leader was killed during a police raid, which appeared to disrupt the organization of the group. There was a significant drop in the number of violent incidents from April through August throughout Egypt, but particularly in Cairo. This was accomplished by more effective police work, enhanced security in the troubled Assiut Province, and perhaps a dropoff in recruitment levels of extremists.
In August, the IG attacked a tourist bus in upper Egypt, killing one Spanish tourist and warning foreigners not to come to Egypt for the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD). The UN-sponsored ICPD was held in September in Cairo; no incidents occurred in Cairo during the conference, probably due in part to greatly enhanced security and a still disorganized IG.
The IG continued to pose a limited threat to foreigners in Egypt at the close of 1994, as a September shooting attack on a market street in the Red Sea resort area of Hurghada resulted in the death of one German tourist and two Egyptians. In the fall, the IG appeared to shift the venue of its attacks to the upper Egyptian Provinces of Minya and Qena. An October attack on a minibus traveling in upper Egypt, which led to the death of a British tourist, demonstrated that the IG retained the capability to inflict injuries and damage the tourism industry.
Israel and the Occupied Territories
Terrorist attacks and violence instigated by Palestinians continued at a high level in 1994. Seventy-three Israeli soldiers and civilians were killed and more than 100 wounded in 1994, up slightly from 1993. There was a significant increase in the number of Israelis killed inside Israel—as compared with only 14 in 1993.
The Islamic Resistance Movement (HAMAS) killed roughly 55 Israelis and wounded more than 150 in 1994 as part of a terror campaign to derail the peace process. HAMAS’s armed wing, the Izz el-Din al-Qassam, claimed responsibility for the April bombings of buses in Afula and Hadera, which together killed 14 Israelis and wounded nearly 75. In October, al-Qassam launched three high-profile attacks on Israelis: the 9 October shooting of people on the streets of Jerusalem, which left two dead; the kidnapping of Israel Defense Force Corporal Nachshon Wachsman, which resulted in the killing of Wachsman and one other Israeli soldier; and the bombing of a commuter bus in Tel Aviv, which killed 22. HAMAS spokesmen announced that these attacks were part of the group’s policy of jihad against the “Israeli occupation of all of Palestine” and retaliation for the Hebron Massacre.
Other Palestinian groups that reject the Gaza-Jericho accord and the peace process also attacked Israelis. Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ)-Shiqaqi faction claimed responsibility for a suicide bomber who attacked an Israeli patrol in Gaza in November killing three Israeli soldiers. PIJ claimed at least 18 other attacks on Israelis, including a shooting on a commuter bus stop on 7 April that killed two in Ashdod, south of Tel Aviv. The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine claimed responsibility for several attacks on Israeli settlers and soldiers.
Yasir Arafat, Chairman of the Palestinian Authority (PA). tried to rein in Palestinian violence against Israel in 1994. The PA police force took some steps to curtail anti-Israeli attacks, including several mass detentions and a strong effort to find where Corporal Wachsman was detained by HAMAS. Arafat and other senior PA officials condemned acts of terrorism by HAMAS and the PIJ, but did not do so when individuals associated with the Fatah Hawks, nominally aligned with Arafat’s Fatah organization, were responsible for a few attacks in early 1994. Israeli officials urged the PA to take tougher measures against terrorists.
Intra-Palestinian violence has increased since the implementation of the Gaza-Jericho accord began on 4 May. On 18 November, 13 Palestinians were killed and more than 150 wounded when Palestinian Police clashed with HAMAS and PIJ supporters who were planning to demonstrate in Gaza. This incident followed several protests by weapons-bearing Islamists in the weeks following the HAMAS kidnapping of Corporal Wachsman and the PA’s mass roundup of HAMAS supporters. In 1994, Fatah Hawks and HAMAS killed at least 20 Palestinians whom the extremists labeled as collaborators.
The Israeli Cabinet outlawed the Jewish extremist groups Kach and Kahane Chai in March, declaring them to be terrorist organizations after Baruch Goldstein, who was a Kach member, attacked Palestinian worshippers at Hebron’s al-Ibrahimi Mosque in February, killing 29 persons and wounding more than 200. Neither Kach nor Kahane Chai assisted or directed Goldstein in his attack, but both organizations vocally supported him. The leading figures of these groups were arrested and held in Israeli prisons on charges of calling for attacks on Palestinians and Israeli Government officials. In September, Shin Bet arrested 11 Jewish extremists who were planning terrorist attacks against Palestinians.
Israel’s intense border security appeared effectively to prevent infiltrations from Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan. In March, a team of four DFLP terrorists was intercepted by Israel Defense Force troops. Katyusha rocket attacks from southern Lebanon into northern Israel by Hizballah and Palestinian rejectionist groups decreased in 1994, and no Israelis were killed in the attacks. Hizballah guerrillas, often in response to Israeli attacks on a Lebanese village, fired Katyusha rockets on four occasions from January to July 1994 and launched several Katyushas in October hours before the signing of the Jordanian-Israeli peace accord attended by President Clinton.
Jordanian security and police closely monitor extremists inside the country and detain individuals suspected of involvement in violent acts aimed at destabilizing the government or undermining its relations with neighboring states. Jordan maintains tight security along its border with Israel and has interdicted individuals attempting to infiltrate into Israel. On 26 October 1994 Jordan and Israel signed a full treaty of peace that commits the two parties to cooperation in a variety of areas, including combating terrorism. In 1994 two new international border crossing points were established between Jordan and Israel.
Jordanian authorities arrested dozens of people in terrorism-related cases during 1994. On 20 February, authorities arrested 30 persons in Amman, including 15 suspected members of the ANO. The arrests reportedly occurred in connection with the assassination of a Jordanian diplomat in January in Beirut by the ANO. In 1994, 25 Islamists (referred to as the “Arab Afghans”) were arrested and tried for planning to overthrow the government, assassinate prominent Jordanians, and attack public and private institutions. The State Security Court handed down verdicts on 21 December and sentenced 11 defendants to death, sentenced seven to various prison terms with hard labor, and acquitted the remaining defendants of all charges. Two individuals were also arrested for stabbing tourists in downtown Amman on 27 February, two days after the massacre of Palestinian worshippers on the West Bank by a Jewish extremist.
A variety of Palestinian rejectionist groups have offices in Jordan, including the PFLP, PFLP-GC, DFLP, PIJ, and HAMAS. In April, King Hussein announced that HAMAS was an “illegal” organization in Jordan. After the King’s announcement, HAMAS spokespersons in Jordan were more circumspect in their statements and often issued statements from other locations.
The security situation in Lebanon continued to improve during 1994 as Beirut endeavored to reestablish its authority and rebuild the country in the wake of the devastating 16-year civil war. Although the Lebanese Government has made some moves to limit the autonomy of individuals and powerful groups—specifically Hizballah—there are still considerable areas of relative lawlessness throughout Lebanon. Beirut and its environs are safer for some non-Lebanese now than as recently as a year ago, but the Bekaa Valley and other Hizballah strongholds are considerably more dangerous than the capital, especially for Westerners, who are still subject to attacks. In June, for example, a German citizen was the victim of an apparent kidnapping attempt perpetrated by Hizballah in Ba’labakk. The would-be victim’s assailants fled after passers-by noticed the commotion. There is credible evidence that Hizballah continues its surveillance of Americans; Hizballah also continues to issue public threats against American interests.
Hizballah has yet to be disarmed, but Beirut is making efforts to restrict activities by the group that challenge the government’s authority. For example, the government banned armed demonstrations after Hizballah’s celebration of Martyr’s Day in the Bekaa Valley in March and issued arrest warrants for participants who were brandishing weapons during the march. In February when Hizballah, without reference to the state authority, tried and executed a teenager in Ba’labakk accused of murder, prominent members of Parliament publicly admonished the group and said such acts by nongovernmental organizations should not be tolerated. However, neither the judiciary nor law enforcement agencies made any effort to interfere in or investigate the affair.
The Lebanese Government took judicial steps during 1994 to signal that violence is not an acceptable means for achieving domestic political change. In January, the government promptly arrested and prosecuted persons associated with the ANO and who assassinated a Jordanian diplomat.
On 12 April, a prominent Iraqi expatriate oppositionist residing in Beirut was assassinated. The Government of Lebanon stated that it had firm evidence linking the killing to the Government of Iraq and arrested two Iraqi diplomats in connection with the incident. Lebanon subsequently broke diplomatic relations with Iraq.
In July a Lebanese criminal court refused to convict two defendants in the 1976 killings of the US Ambassador, Francis Meloy, and the economic counselor, Robert Waring. The Lebanese Court of Cassation agreed to order a retrial after intervention by the government’s prosecutor general. The trial is set to begin in March 1995.
Lebanese authorities arrested Lebanese Forces Leader Samir Ja’ja on charges of domestic terrorism—including the bombing of a Maronite church in Zuk in February that killed 11 persons and wounded 59. His trial was ongoing as of the end of the year. In November, the government suggested it would “revive” the investigation into the 1983 bombings of the US and French Marine barracks. Although viewed by some as a message to Hizballah of government intention to reassert authority, the government has not yet followed its announcement with concrete action. In December the government accepted an invitation from the US Government to send an official delegation to Washington to discuss means to improve the security situation in Lebanon.
On 24 August two Spanish tourists were killed when gunmen opened fire at the Atlas Asni hotel in Marrakech during an apparent robbery attempt. After initial investigations, Moroccan officials linked the hotel attack to other assaults throughout Morocco, including the attempted robberies of a bank and a McDonald’s restaurant in 1993. Nine suspects were arrested, and Moroccan authorities claimed to have discovered an arms cache hidden by the group.
There have been allegations that Islamic extremists related to the Algerian militant movement were behind the Marrakech incident. But some Moroccan officials have also claimed that members of the Algerian security services were behind the attack, hoping to foment instability in Morocco to take the international focus off the Algerian crisis. The real motives of the attackers remain unclear, and the incident could easily have been an ordinary criminal attack. As of 31 December, the Marrakech attack was not followed by similar incidents in Morocco.