Syed Rizwan Zamir. Worldmark Encyclopedia of Religious Practices. Editor: Thomas Riggs, 2nd Edition, Volume 1, Gale, 2015.
Overview
One of the two major branches of Islam, Shiism grew out of a split among Muslims that occurred in Medina (present-day western Saudi Arabia) over the question of who would succeed the Prophet Muhammad upon his death in 632 CE. At the heart of Shiite teachings is love for the ahl al-bayt (the household) of the Prophet, consisting of the Prophet Muhammad, his daughter Fatima, his cousin ‘Ali (who married Fatima), and Hasan and Hussein (children of Fatima and ‘Ali). For Twelvers, the dominant Shiite group, the ahl al-bayt are “the Fourteen Infallibles”—namely, the Prophet, Fatima, and the twelve imams (or descendant-successors of the Prophet, including ‘Ali, the first imam). Shiites differ from the majority Sunni Muslim community primarily on this doctrine of imamate, the spiritual and temporal authority over the Muslim community of an imam (leader) from within the ahl al-bayt.
The initial split within the Muslim community occurred in Medina in 632 CE over the question of who should have succeeded the Prophet Muhammad. Most of the Muslim community accepted the selection of the first three caliphs: Abu Bakr, ‘Umar, and ‘Uthman. Some, however, dissented, believing that the rightful successors of the Prophet were ‘Ali, the Prophet’s cousin and son-in-law, and a succession of his descendants, known as the imams. In time these dissenters came to view the first three caliphs as usurpers of the rights of the household of the Prophet. Yet it took several decades before this initial political split crystallized into two distinct branches, the majority called Ahl al-sunnah wa al-jamah (people of the Sunnah [of the Prophet] and consensus; that is, Sunni Islam) and Shia (the party [of ‘Ali], that is, Shiite Islam). Associated with the problem of succession was the question of the qualifications of the successor. The wider community saw the caliphate as an administrative and political post intended to maintain law and order. The Shiite point of view, however, sought comprehensive succession: for them, the person best qualified to succeed the Prophet and lead the community was one closest in kinship, character, religious and spiritual knowledge, and charisma to the Prophet Muhammad. Early Shiites deemed ‘Ali and certain individuals among his descendants, known as the imams, to be ones who best met this criteria.
As one of the two major branches of Islam, Shiism represents about 10 to 13 percent of the worldwide Muslim population. While Shiites live all over the world, they are most concentrated in Iran (where Twelver Shia Islam is the state religion) and Iraq, with considerable communities in Lebanon, Syria, the Gulf States, Saudi Arabia, East Africa, Afghanistan, Central Asia, India, and Pakistan.
Shiism consists of a number of major and minor subgroups. The most prevalent, representing about 80 percent of all Shiites, are the Twelvers (Shia Imamiyyah, or Ithna Ashariyyah), named after the number of imams the group recognizes. Other important groups with substantial followers are the Isma’ilis, or Seveners (likewise, a description reflecting the number of recognized imams), active mostly in the Indian subcontinent and East Africa; and the Zaydis, or Fivers, found primarily in Yemen.
The Seveners had divided from the Twelvers on the death of the sixth imam in 765 CE, when they recognized his son Ismail as the seventh imam (instead of another son, Musa al-Kazim, whom the Twelvers accept). The Fivers had seceded from the majority earlier (c. 720) when they recognized Zayd bin Ali as the fifth imam instead of his half-brother Muhammad al-Baqir. Although these schisms grew out of theological, legal, and political differences, all Shiites share the fundamental belief that ‘Ali and his descendants (through Fatima, ‘Ali’s wife and Muhammad’s daughter) are the true successors of the Prophet. This entry focuses primarily on the history and practices of the Twelvers, the dominant Shiite group.
History
The formation of Shiism was a gradual process. During the decades immediately following the Prophet’s death in 632 CE, there emerged a number of religiopolitical dissent movements whose members expressed allegiance to ‘Ali (Muhammad’s cousin and son-in-law) and his sons (Muhammad’s grandchildren) as the Prophet’s true successors. These Muslims came to be known as the Shia (Arabic: “party” or “partisans”) of ‘Ali. The Shiites’ claim of ‘Ali’s right to this succession was based on a number of events in which Muhammad showed special consideration for ‘Ali. Shiites have understood these events as an indication of the Prophet’s will to designate ‘Ali as his successor and as his recognition of ‘Ali’s superior qualification for the role.
The most notable of these events occurred at the oasis of Ghadir-e Khum, where the Prophet, in a sermon during his last hajj (pilgrimage), stated, “He of whom I am the mawla, ‘Ali, also, is his mawla. O God, be the friend to those who befriend him and be the enemy of him who is his enemy, support those who support him and abandon those who abandon him.” There has been major disagreement between Shiites and Sunnis over how to interpret this passage. For Shiites the extraordinary manner in which the Prophet equated ‘Ali in authority and affection with himself remains the strongest basis for their claim. They have taken the word mawla to mean leader, master, and guardian and thus see it as an explicit designation of ‘Ali as his successor, whereas the Sunnis have interpreted mawla to indicate friend and confidant.
After the Prophet’s death, ‘Ali did not immediately become caliph (successor of Muhammad and head of Islam); three other senior companions of the Prophet preceded him. Indeed, although ‘Ali’s partisans held the view that he was the true successor of the Prophet, ‘Ali pledged allegiance to them in order to avoid dissension in the ummah (Islamic community). ‘Ali finally became caliph in 656, but his reign lasted only until 661, when he was assassinated. None of ‘Ali’s descendants ever formally assumed the office of caliph, for they were either imprisoned or killed by Umayyad and Abbasid rulers who felt threatened by their claims on the leadership of the Muslim community. In 681 CE the Umayyads (a Syrian dynasty of Qurayshite Arab origin) brutally suppressed an uprising in Karbala (central Iraq) of ‘Ali’s son Hussein (also spelled Husayn or Hussain); this inaugurated a long period of denying the claims of ‘Ali’s descendants to the caliphate.
For most of their early history the Shiites lived as a persecuted Muslim minority scattered throughout the Islamic lands. In the 10th century, however, the Shiites briefly gained political control of almost all the Muslim world, with each part ruled by one Shiite group or another. Notable among them were the Buyid dynasty (945-1055) in Iran, Iraq, and Syria and the Fatimid dynasty (909-1171), led by Sevener Shiites, in Egypt and North Africa. This Shiite domination was eventually brushed aside by Sunni Turks who established the Seljuq dynasty (11th-13th centuries). In the 16th century the Safavid rulers (1502-1736) adopted Twelver Shiism as the state religion of the Persian (Iranian) Empire. Since then Iran has continued to be a central force in the development and propagation of Shiite thought and culture. In the Indian subcontinent as well, various Shiite dynasties—for instance, in Deccan and Awadh in the 18th century—exerted literary, cultural, and religious influences that endured far beyond their spatial and temporal confines.
Central Doctrines
There are three fundamental principles of belief that both Sunni and Shia Islam agree upon: tawhid (unity of God), nubuwwah (prophecy), and ma’ad (return [to God]; the hereafter, involving bodily resurrection and the Final Judgment). Unity and uniqueness of the transcendent Divine Reality is a core doctrine of Islam, Sunni or Shiite. Similarly, Shiites, like other Muslims, believe in the intertwining of human and prophetic history, which both began with the biblical Adam, who was simultaneously the first human being and the first prophet of God. The prophetic history of both interpretations of Islam includes major biblical figures and prophets—such as Noah, Jacob, David, Solomon, Abraham, Lot, Isaac, Ishmael, Joseph, Moses, Aaron, John the Baptist, Jesus, and finally, Prophet Muhammad—and belief in their prophecy is an integral part of the Muslim faith. The Koran (Quran) states that messengers were sent to all tribes and nations and that the core message has always been the same: monotheism. Both Sunni and Shiite Muslims believe that the cycle of humanity will eventually end with the apocalyptic battle between good and evil, the end of the world, and then the judgment day, involving bodily resurrection of human beings, weighing of each individual’s good and bad deeds, and the judgment of heaven and hell.
To these three core beliefs the Shiites add two other principles: adl (justice of God) and imamah (the imamate). Shiites emphasize the attribute of justice to God as essential to his nature. Even the prophecy and imamate as divinely placed institutions for human guidance (hidaya) emerge out of this divine attribute: human beings cannot be judged if they have not been provided the guidance for right action. The principle of adl was adopted by Shiites during the 12th and 13th centuries. Of the two contesting schools of theology during that time, Ash’arah and Mutazilah, Shiism was closer to the latter, which stressed free will and reason rather than predestination. As such, individuals are responsible for their own actions, which, on the Day of Judgment, will be evaluated by God according to his justice. Ma’ad would be irrelevant if a person’s actions were predetermined by God.
Imamah is the authority and leadership of the imams, who are regarded as the Prophet’s legitimate successors, inheriting his authority in both its spiritual and temporal dimensions. It is these inherited qualifications, particularly the spiritual one, that make the Shiite concept of imamate distinct from the Sunni concept of caliphate, which is essentially a temporal office. Whether the community accepts this leadership has no bearing on an imam’s authority. An imam may not assume the temporal leadership of the community—indeed, none except ‘Ali did so—yet he remains exclusively the highest spiritual and temporal authority for the ummah (the Islamic community).
Imamah, like prophecy, is universal. Just as a prophet is necessary to receive revelations from Heaven, an imam is necessary for the guardianship, perpetuation, and clarification of the revealed message (especially its esoteric dimensions), or else the purpose of the revelation may be lost. Thus, though subordinate to the prophets, for the Twelvers the imams have always existed to partially accomplish, guard, and complete the purpose of revelation. The Koran speaks of Abraham (from the Hebrew Bible) as an imam, a favor bestowed upon him after his success in facing difficult trials. Similarly, the Shiites see Aaron (the older brother of the prophet Moses) playing an imam-like function with Moses. For the Islamic revelation, imamate is deemed by the Twelvers to be bequeathed by God to the Prophet’s family, who are known as ahl al-bayt, consisting of the Prophet, his daughter Fatima, his cousin ‘Ali, Hasan and Hussein (children of ‘Ali and Fatima), and certain of their descendants. Through divine inspiration each imam designates his successor during his lifetime. Embodied in this doctrine is the idea that an imam is a divinely inspired individual who possesses a special knowledge (ilm) of revelation, which includes, among other things, both the outward (zahir) and the inward (batin) meanings of the Koran. By virtue of possessing this special knowledge, an imam continues one of the Prophet’s functions: walaya/wilaya (special intimacy with God and, by virtue of that, the leadership of the community and authoritative elaboration of the revealed message). The prophetic function of walaya/wilaya should not, however, be confused with receiving revelations from God, which Shiites believe to have ended with prophet Muhammad; there will not be another prophet or a new revelation.
Moral Code of Conduct
Shiites strive to live a moral life, the guidelines of which are defined in the Sharia (Islamic law) and exemplified in the lives of the Prophet and the imams. An imam is understood to be the embodiment of spiritual transcendence, wisdom, rationality, and justice. Stories of the imams’ commitment to social justice and moral uprightness are widespread among Shiites. Because free will exists, personal accountability and responsibility for one’s actions are emphasized. It is everyone’s duty to “command good and forbid wrong” in his or her community. As with Sunni Muslims, Shiite faith emphasizes virtues such as patience, courage, contentment, generosity, truthfulness, sincerity, and abstinence from sinful and unvirtuous behavior.
Sacred Books
Scriptural sources for Shiites consist of the Koran and hadith (exemplary traditions and sayings of the Prophet and imams). The Arabic text of the Koran is the same for both Sunnis and Shiites, but the two branches use different collections of prophetic hadith, though the content often overlaps. In the case of Shiites the hadith includes not only reports of what the Prophet Muhammad said but also reports from the imams. The four canonical Shiite collections are Kitab al-Kafi by al-Kulayni (d. 939), Man la Yahduruhu al-Faqih by Ibn Babuyah (d. 991), and Tahdhib al-Ahkam and al-Istibsar, both by Sheikh al-Tusi (d. 1067).
Another important Shiite text is the Nahj al-Balaqhah, a collection of Imam ‘Ali’s sermons, letters, and sayings. The Sahifah Sajjadiyyah (sometimes referred to as the Psalms of Islam), a book of supplications attributed to the fourth imam, Imam Ali al-Sajjad (659-712/13), is also widely recited by Shiites.
Sacred Symbols
Akin to Jewish and Christian communities in the Mediterranean and Middle East, Shiites also deem sacred the hand-shaped image called hamsa (Arabic: khamsah). Shiites, however, identify khamsah with the Hand of Fatimah, the five fingers of which symbolize the five holy members of the ahl al-bayt (household of the Prophet). The sword of ‘Ali, called Dhul fiqar, believed to have descended upon ‘Ali from heaven, becomes the sacred symbol of the heroic chivalry and divine mandate of ‘Ali. Devotion to the imams has led to the creation of replicas of various imams’ shrines; these vary in size, ranging from those that could be carried by a child to those that would require a dozen strong men. Many other objects symbolize the events of Karbala and the suffering of Imam Hussein and his companions. Similarly, black flags erected on top of buildings or carried through streets during mourning processions symbolize both devotion to Hussein and mourning of his suffering.
Early and Modern Leaders
Although Shiites regard all imams, along with the Prophet Muhammad and his daughter Fatima, as sages, infallible guides, and exemplars of ideal moral conduct, three figures among them have always stood out: ‘Ali (c. 600-661), the first imam and founder of Shiism; Hussein (626-680), the third imam and martyr of Karbala; and Jafar al-Sadiq (702-765), the sixth imam and founder of the Shiite school of law and theology. Fatima and Zaynab (granddaughter of the Prophet, daughter of ‘Ali and Fatima, and sister of Hussein) are the most revered women figures of the tradition. Highly regarded and venerated and considered an intrinsic part of the Prophet’s family (ahl al-bayt), they are viewed as the highest role models for female spirituality within Shiite Islam.
Among notable 20th-century figures in Twelver Shiism are Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1902-1989), the leader of the Iranian Revolution in 1979; Ayatollah Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr (1935-1980), a political leader of Shiites in Iraq who was executed by Saddam Hussein’s regime in 1980; Musa al-Sadr, a political leader of Shiites in Lebanon (he disappeared in 1979, allegedly kidnapped by Libyan secret police); and Ayatollah Ali Naqi Naqvi (1905-1988), a major scholar, theologian, and preacher from North India.
Major Theologians and Authors
Because the imams are considered the true authorities after the Prophet, their sayings and interpretations of religion were significant in the development of Shiite religious thought. As such, early scholarly efforts were directed toward collecting their sayings, called the hadith, and their formulations of Shiite law. The compilers of the four canonical collections of Shiite hadith (al-Kutub al-arbaah, or “The Four Books”) are al-Kulayni (d. 939), Ibn Babuyah (d. 991), and Sheikh al-Tusi (d. 1067). Sheikh al-Tusi (also known as Sheikh al-Taifah) and two other jurists, Sheikh al-Mufid (d. 1022) and Sayyid Murtada (965-1044), are known for their fundamental contributions to Shiite theology, which was strongly influenced by the Mutazilah school of theology. They attempted to elaborate and systematize the principles of theology and jurisprudence as set down by the fifth and sixth imams. Among later figures of philosophical theology are Khwajah Nasir al-Din al-Tusi (d. 1274), known for his contributions in astronomy, mathematics, philosophy, and theology; and his commentator, Allamah Hilli (1250-1325). Nasir al-Din’s book Tajrid al-itiqad (“Plain Doctrine”) is considered the beginning of systematic Shiite theology. A convergence between the mystical teachings of Ibn Arabi (1165-1240) and Shiite theology led to a new trend of theosophy (theoretical mysticism) best manifested in Jami al-Asrar (“The Compilation of Secrets”), the monumental work of its leading figure, Sayyid Haydar al-Amuli (died after 1383).
During later periods, and particularly under the Safavid dynasty (1502-1736) in Iran, Shiism experienced a remarkable revival of intellectual activity. While Islamic philosophy had ceased to flourish in other parts of the Islamic world, it reached its peak in Iran because of the philosophical “School of Isfahan.” It was a creative synthesis of the Aristotelian-based philosophy of Ibn Sina (spelled Avicenna in English; 980-1037), the illuminationist theosophy of Suhrawardi (d. 1191), the mysticism of Ibn Arabi, and Shiite theology. The masters of this new metaphysics were Mir Damad (d. 1631), Mulla Sadra (d. 1640), Baha al-Din al-Amili (d. 1622), Mulla Muhsin Fayd al-Kashani (d. 1680), and Abd al-Razzaq Lahiji (d. 1661). Also emerging during the Safavid period was Allamah Majlisi (d. 1699), known for his voluminous hadith collection, Bihar al-Anwar (“Oceans of Lights”). Shiite jurisprudence received further elaboration by Wahid Bihbahani (d. 1790) and Murtada Ansari (d. 1864).
Notable Shiite interpreters of the Koran include al-Tabrisi (d. 1153), author of Majma al-Bayan (“Collection of Elucidations’); Mulla Muhsin Fayd al-Kashani, author of Tafsir Safi (“The Pure Exegesis [of the Koran]”); and the 20th-century philosopher, mystic, and exegete Allamah Muhammad Hossein Tabatabai (d. 1980), author of Tafsir al-Mizan (“The Balanced Exegesis [of the Koran]”).
Organizational Structure
During their lifetimes the imams were the central authority in Shiite Islam. Twelver Shiites believe that the 12th and last imam has been in occultation (concealment) since 878 and will return at the end of time as the messianic figure. After the occultation, Shiite jurists and traditionists (hadith specialists) provided religious leadership to the community. Beginning in the 13th century, specialists of law gradually came to be regarded as religious specialists (mujtahid) to whom Shiite laity (muqallid) would turn for guidance in religious and legal matters. In the 16th and 17th centuries, this distinction between Shiite religious specialists and lay followers led to a rift between the Akhbari and Usuli schools of jurisprudence. The Usuli school upheld the need for religious specialists and therefore a distinction between mujtahid and muqallid within the Shiite community; the Akhbari school, on the other hand, rejected the distinction, seeing it as a very problematic attempt to undermine the spiritual significance and centrality of the imam by raising the jurist to the same level. In the 18th century the Usuli school defeated the Akhbaris, turning the role of a religious scholar into a more significant leadership position called the marja al-taqlid (source of emulation). In each generation since then, there have been a few senior jurists recognized by the public—on the basis of their knowledge and great piety—as marja, the highest authority in the interpretation of Sharia. The opinions and verdicts of a marja are deemed binding upon his followers. Those who follow a marja’s religious edicts also send religious taxes and donations to him for projects of a religious and communal nature. In popular discourse the high stature of a senior jurist who is followed by many is reflected in the title “Ayatollah.”
At the lowest rank of the clerical hierarchy are the seminary students, tullab, who receive study stipends from the marja of their choice. In between are mujtahids, graduates of seminaries whose main function is to lead prayers in mosques and to resolve day-to-day religious problems. The Akhbari movement, which still exists but constitutes a small minority of Shiites, has from time to time contested this hierarchy of leadership. For them the whole Shiite community is muqallid to the living 12th Imam, the Mahdi.
Houses of Worship and Holy Places
Besides Mecca and Medina—the two most sacred places for all Muslims—the shrines of the imams are also considered holy and play important roles in Shiite religious life as both sites of pilgrimage and centers of religious learning. The most important of these sites are located in Iraq (the shrines of Imam ‘Ali in Najaf, of Imam Hussein in Karbala, of the fifth and ninth imams in Kazamayn, and of the 10th and 11th imams in Samarra), Iran (the shrines of the eighth imam [Ali al-Rida] in Mashhad and of his sister [Masumah] in Qum), and Syria (the shrine of Sayyidah Zaynab, the sister of Imam Hussein, outside of Damascus). The burial sites of Fatima and the second, fourth, fifth, and sixth imams are in Medina. Because of the influence of a puritanical religious point of view in Saudi Arabia during the 20th century, these graves do not compare in grandeur to the shrines in Iraq: they remain simple and often without marks of identification.
Like other Muslims, Shiites attend a house of worship called a mosque, a space for daily prayers, religious events, and communal activities. In addition to being a holy place, a mosque usually serves as the center of religious activities in each community. Gatherings commemorating the martyrdom of the imams (especially Imam Hussein) occur in mosques or in Imambargahs, special spaces often found attached to the mosque.
What is Sacred
The Koran is the most sacred object for Shiite Muslims, followed by the hadith. In addition, highly respected among Shiites as a kind of relic are the shrines of any of the 14 infallible ones and turbat-i Imam Hussein, or turbat-i Karbala (dust or baked mud from the earth of Karbala, Iraq, where Imam Hussein and other martyrs fell). This dust is believed to carry the blessings of the imam and is used in some popular and devotional religious practices, particularly in birth and death rituals. Furthermore, the objects mentioned in the “Sacred Symbols” section earlier are considered sacred because of their inherent symbolic value.
Holidays and Festivals
Shiite holidays and festivals may be divided into two categories: celebrations and occasions of mourning. In the first category, Shiites share with Sunni Muslims the celebration of the two major feasts of Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha. In addition, they also celebrate an exclusively Shiite feast called Eid al-Ghadir, which falls eight days after Eid al-Adha and celebrates the Prophet’s designation of ‘Ali as his successor at Ghadir-e Khum.
The birth of the Prophet (also recognized by Sunnis) and those of the imams are celebrated. Although not all these birthdays are recognized as major holidays, and few of them are publicly celebrated, the births of the Prophet and of ‘Ali, Hussein, and Mahdi (the first, second, and 12th imams, respectively) are widely observed. During these holy days liturgical prayers and supplications are made, religious sermons delivered, poetry honoring the holy family is recited followed by chanting, families and friends gather, and sweets and special meals are shared with the poor.
Commemoration of the deaths of the Prophet and the imams constitutes the second set of Shiite holidays. Although the martyrdom of all the infallibles is commemorated, mourning ceremonies for the Prophet, ‘Ali, Fatima, and especially Hussein tend to be commemorated on a much bigger scale. On these occasions devout Shiites wear black clothing and participate in public ceremonies, which are held in almost every neighborhood by devout families or local religious organizations and mosques.
The events of Karbala are commemorated every year during the month of Muharram, the first month of Islamic lunar calendar. Shiite mourning ceremonies culminate on the 10th day of the month, Ashura, which corresponds to the day in 681 CE when Imam Hussein and his 72 companions and family members were massacred by the army of Yazid, the Umayyad caliph. Muharram ceremonies include the recitation (by poets or lay Shiite devotees) of poetry honoring and describing the sufferings of Hussein and his followers and the Rawda Khani, a recitation by a cleric of the martyr’s sufferings. At the high point of these meetings the audience weeps and publicly laments the losses of Karbala. Another distinctive feature of the Muharram commemorations is the street processions, which often attract large crowds (mostly men) marching in rows through the streets from one place of ceremony to another, chanting eulogies to the martyred imam while beating their chests rhythmically. Some strike their shoulders with chains, while in various parts of the Shiite world there are devotees who even strike their heads with swords (a popular practice, though not usually condoned by Shiite scholars and jurists). This self-flagellation is a symbolic act indicating Shiite devotees desire’ to be with Hussein at Karbala and their willingness to sacrifice their lives for the imam and his innocent family; it is also a means of participating in their suffering.
Muharram commemoration ceremonies, known by various names in different countries (Rawda in Iran, Majlis in India, and Quarry in Iraq), are often followed by public distribution of meals and sweet drinks in remembrance of the hunger and thirst that Hussein and his family suffered in Karbala. Also part of the ceremonies is the Taziyah (passion play), a theatrical reenactment of the Karbala tragedy; the Taziyah began in Iran under the Safavids and continues to be performed in some parts of Iran, Iraq, India, and Lebanon.
Commemorating the martyrdom of Hussein, his family, and his companions on the plains of Karbala in 681 is the most public and visible expression of Twelver Shiite piety. Arguably the most important event of Shiite historical consciousness and communal identity, the significance of this event can be gauged by the fact that in 2010 more than 10 million Shiites from around the world gathered in Karbala to mourn the event. These numbers continue to increase with every passing year.
Mode of Dress
Shiites, like other Muslims, are expected to dress with nobility and modesty. Except for black clothes during the mourning period, there is no specific religious attire for the laity. Shiite clergy, however, is distinguished from laypersons by their professional dress, which consists of an aba (long gown) and an ammamah (turbin). The color of the turban, black or white, indicates whether the person is a sayyid. The sayyids (who wear black turbans) claim genealogical ties to the Prophet through one of his descendants. In Iran since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, women are required by law to cover their heads and bodies. The modes of expressing modesty vary from country to country: the chador (a long single piece cloth covering the head and body) is a particularly Iranian garment that is mostly worn by women of an older generation, of lower social and economic classes, or in villages (in cities long gowns and head-scarves are more common); the burqa (which covers the entire body as well as the face) is rare among Shiites, though found in Gulf states and South Asia.
Dietary Practices
Dietary practices are regulated by Sharia law and juridical interpretation of religious scholars. Although there may be slight variances here and there, Shiites do not differ from the four Sunni schools of law on what types of food are deemed permissible (halal) or impermissible (haram). Drinking water, however, has special meaning for a devout Shiite: It reminds him or her of the suffering of Imam Hussein and his companions, who were denied access to water for some days prior to their massacre in Karbala.
Rituals
Twelver Shiism shares with Sunni Islam the fundamental rituals of daily prayer, fasting in the month of Ramadan, hajj (pilgrimage), and payment of an obligatory tax called zakat. There are, however, minor differences in the performance of prayers. Although the times of day, number of prayer units (rakah), prayer content, and postures are the same, Shiites usually shorten the waiting time (one to two hours among Sunnis) between the noon and afternoon prayers by saying them a few minutes apart. The waiting time is similarly shortened between the evening and night prayers. The Shiite call to prayer (adhan), moreover, states ‘Ali’s name following that of the Prophet. Like the Maliki school of Sunni Sharia, Shiites do not cross their hands over their chests or abdomens during prayer. Shiites also insist that during the prostration phase the forehead should be placed on nonanimal, natural objects, mostly dust, stone, or the earth. Out of practicality small blocks of baked mud, called muhr, are used and are preferably made from turbat-e Karbala (dust from the earth of Karbala).
In addition to these basic practices shared with other Muslims, the Shiite liturgical calendar is replete with supererogatory (more than required) religious practices throughout the year, celebrating and observing weekly and monthly special prayers and prayers on the days of natural calamities such as earthquakes, and additional days of fasting as an expression of piety and for spiritual growth.
Shiites are also required to pay khums, a tax that amounts to one-fifth of their total annual savings and of any net increase in their property. Khums, zakat, and other religious donations are paid to a marja al-taqlid (senior and well-recognized jurist who functions as a representative of the hidden 12th imam in interpretation of the Sharia) and are used for helping the needy and for establishing and maintaining mosques and religious education centers.
There are no fundamental differences in burial rites between Shiites and Sunnis. Shiites observe a longer period of mourning and hold special ceremonies on the 3rd, 7th, and 40th days following a death, as well as on the anniversary. They also often visit the tombs of their deceased relatives, whose burial markers, engraved with biographical information, are kept in good condition for many generations.
Rites of Passage
There are no distinctive Shiite rites of passage.
Membership
Formally, a person would become a member of the Shiite community by accepting the Shiite doctrines of tawhid (the unity of God), adl (the justice of God), nubuwwah (prophecy), the imamate of the 12 imams, and ma ,ad (the Hereafter). In a less formal sense, to be Shiite is to be devoted to and love the Prophet and his family. The community is open to all. Except during the Safavid dynasty in Iran (1502-1736), when Shiism was forced upon the population by the state, for most of its history, the Shiite population grew naturally and through the love and devotion to the family of the Prophet. Even in its later phase, when Twelver Shiism developed its own organizational structure, there was no office with the specific task of missionary activities. Nevertheless, Shiism has always been open to accepting new members, and there have been some Shiite clergy and mosques involved in proselytizing.
Religious Tolerance
Generally speaking, the Sharia (Islamic law), which is based on the Koran, sees Jews, Christians, and other religious minorities that possess divine scriptures and have received revelations from God as the People of the Book. For example, in Shiite Iran the pre-Islamic Zoroastrian faith is given the status of People of the Book. Excluded is any religious tradition that proclaims a prophecy after Muhammad; an example is the Bahā’í tradition, which developed from an offshoot of 19th-century Shiite thought (Babism) and claims to offer a new prophecy. As a minority, Shiites themselves have been subject to persecutions and prejudices to varying degrees throughout their history.
Social Justice
Shia Islam has from its inception been concerned with social justice and has upheld the egalitarian spirit of the Koran and the Prophet—a natural corollary of the Shiite belief that God is essentially just. Indeed, it was over the issue of social justice that many of the Prophet’s prominent companions and other members of the ummah turned to ‘Ali. ‘Ali’s concern for social equality and his reign as caliph set the example for adl wa qist (justice and fairness) for both Sunni and Shiite Muslims. In Islamic, and particularly Shiite, literature, ‘Ali’s name is invariably associated with justice. Khums, the obligatory religious tax for Shiites, indicates an institutionalized concern for maintaining social and economic justice. In addition to discussing the Prophet’s exemplary treatment of the poor and downtrodden, Shiite ethical texts include numerous examples from ‘Ali’s life, which was devoted to the cause of the poor, orphans, widows, and other disadvantaged groups. ‘Ali, the supreme exemplar of Shiite ideals, symbolizes contentment, a heroic life of courage, rejection of material attachments, and standing for the cause of justice.
In addition to khums, zakat, and general charities, Shiites also donate money to the shrines of different imams, which have large endowments and charity organizations.
Social Life
For both Sunnis and Shiites, family constitutes the core unit of a community and the foundation of its religious life. The laws on marriage and divorce are fundamentally the same among Twelver Shiites and Sunnis, as both base their rules on the Koran and the Sharia. There is, however, one major exception: The Shiite school of law allows temporary marriage (mutah), in which a duration, such as a day, a month, or three years, is chosen for the marriage. This practice was permitted at the time of the Prophet and his first successor, Abu Bakr. For Sunni Islam it was prohibited by the second caliph, Umar, while the Shiite interpretation of the Sharia continues to view it as permissible.
Distinct from the Sunni schools, divorce in Shiite law requires that the statement of the divorce formula be made explicitly and in the presence of two witnesses. It is not acceptable if made in a state of intoxication or anger. Also, Shiite law does not allow innovated divorce (talaq al-bidah), in which three pronouncements of divorce (rendering it irrevocable) are made on a single occasion.
Beyond immediate family life, there is a strong emphasis in the teachings of the Prophet and the imams on “loving the neighbor”; that is, taking care of the needy, especially one’s kin and those within the neighborhood, and encouragement of practices and attitudes that are conducive for building healthy communities. These practices as exemplified by the ahl al-bayt are frequently emphasized in religious teachings and sermons.
Controversial Issues
From the early centuries of Islam, Shiite imams, theologians, and communities have understood themselves not as entirely separate from the wider Sunni Muslim community, but as the religious and spiritual elite of the community, entrusted with a special purpose of bearing witness to the highest ideals of the Islamic faith as exemplified by the household of the Prophet and the Shiite imams. Yet the relationship between Sunni and Shiite communities has been turbulent in different periods of history, and it significantly worsened in the 19th and 20th centuries due to the growing influence of puritanical Wahhabi and Salafi movements. While both sides have engaged in some ecumenical efforts, polemics and distrust still dominate the intra-religious discourse.
The majority of Shiite jurists permit the use of contraceptives, and family planning and population control programs (which promote contraceptives and other methods) are not considered religiously unlawful. Like Sunni Islam, Shiism is opposed to abortion and homosexuality. Abortion is permitted only if the mother’s life is at risk, though some jurists allow it before the “ensoulment period (before the soul enters the fetus, occurring 120 days after conception). The Shiite community also continues to debate questions about the nature and scope of the religious authority of the jurist, such as whether the marja al-taqlid can also represent the hidden imam’s political authority and can guide the political affairs of the community.
Cultural Impact
The teachings of the Shiite imams contain a strong emphasis on intellectual life. Consequently, throughout Islamic history the rise of Shiite influence has seen a parallel intensification of intellectual and philosophical thought. Teachings of Shiite imams also left an indelible mark on the mystical Sufi tradition and, through Sufism, on the wider Sunni community. Almost all Sufi orders trace their lineage back to the Prophet through ‘Ali and many of the other Shiite imams. Thus, spiritual and ethical teachings of the imams have had a much wider impact than simply within the Shiite community.
Shiite religious culture is also responsible for many art forms, and genres of poetry and song. A special genre of Shiite poetry in celebration of Mahdi’s virtues reflects the depth of yearning for his return. Similarly, another popular poetry genre is rooted in the Shiite tradition of praising the infallibles and mourning the tragedies of Karbala. The suppression of Shiites in Karbala has had a notable impact on all aspects of Shiite life and culture. The artistic expressions and imagination of Shiites are inextricably inspired by the themes of this event. Musibat, a genre of religious epic that narrates the events of Karbala, occupies a prominent place in Shiite literature. Themes of martyrdom, heroism, the suffering of the oppressed, and messianism are commonly used in poetry genres such as marthiya, sung as noha, and presented in paintings and the performing arts. The passion play known as Taziyah, a reenactment of the Karbala tragedy, was perhaps the only form of theater existent in the premodern Muslim world. It came to serve as the precursor of modern theater among Shiite Muslims.
The Shiite perception of ‘Ali as a supreme wali (divine guardian) is reflected in popular Shiite paintings that portray him sitting in a powerful posture yet with a majestic simplicity. Similar portrayals of Shiite imams, though somewhat controversial, are not uncommon, especially within Iran. Such paintings, however, are not used as objects of worship but are expressions of one’s devotion and love of the ahl al-bayt.