Mthokozisi Phathisani Ndhlovu. Feminist Media Studies. Volume 20, Issue 6, 2020.
Introduction
Religion’s role in providing moral and spiritual support to rape victims is extensively documented (See George P. Knapik, Donna S. Martsolf, and Claire B. Draucker 2008). Yet, the same institution harbours leaders who abuse their powers to perpetrate the same crime. As result, this article shifts focus to news media as “custodian of public conscience” to understand how they talk about such violations (Theodore L. Glasser and James S. Ettema 2009, 1). This is fundamental as the manner the news media talk about religious rape inform society’s perceptions and further guide the actions of both victims and perpetrators. Zimbabwe is an ideal case study for understanding religious rape given cases of religious functionaries taking advantage of their positions to sexually exploit women and girls in a country where a woman is raped every hour (Tinomuda Chakanyuka 2017; Pauline Hurungudo 2018).
Rape, on its own, projects power inequalities, but such discrepancies are further magnified when it is committed within religious settings (Ann-Janine Morey 1988). This, therefore, calls for the questioning of the watchdog role of the news media, especially when the perpetrator is a powerful social actor, like religious functionaries in this case. Informed by discourse theory and the normative roles of the news media, this article uses qualitative frame analysis to analyse stories on religious rape published by Zimbabwe’s three daily newspapers (The Herald, Chronicle and NewsDay) from 2015 to 2017 to unpack the broader implications of such coverage. Consequently, this article unpacks the meaning the selected news media created in their narration of religious sexual assault while also locating the discourses they drew on.
Rape and power dynamics
Religious rape, in this article, refers to acts of unconsented vaginal penetration committed by religious leaders. Focus, here, is on these leaders since 87 percent of Zimbabweans identify with a religious group (UNICEF Zimbabwe 2016). This subsequently places religious leaders in an authoritative position since they are considered representatives of God (Harvey J. Sindima 2009). Concerning in Zimbabwe, however, are cases of these leaders abusing their power to sexually abuse fellow members (Moses Mugugunyeki 2014). In such cases, it becomes difficult for victims to question the authority of these leaders who claim to speak on behalf of God.
Furthermore, religion makes sweeping moral claims that are implicitly or explicitly believed by its subjects (Paul Bloom 2011). For example, Christianity regards rape, like all forms of violence, as a sin against God (Samuel W. Kunhiyop 2008). Christianity’s position on rape is of interest since 84 percent of Zimbabweans are Christians (UNICEF Zimbabwe 2016). Religion’s role as a moral compass added with its “promises of victory and justice offer hope in struggles for social” justice, like rape in this case (Iona Mylek and Phillip Nel 2010, 87). Accordingly, Thema Bryant-Davis, Sarah E. Ullman, Yuying Tsong, and Robyn Gobin (2011) explain how African American women are using religion to cope with the traumatic effects of sexual abuse. This is also true in Zimbabwe as religion has become a beacon of hope to the distressed (Kudzai Biri 2013). However, the same institution in Zimbabwe harbours leaders who abuse their power and influence to sexually abuse women.
Sexual abuse, in its broad nature, is widely prevalent in Zimbabwe, as 1 in 4 women have experienced such exploitation (Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency 2019). The same can be said about rape, which is a form of sexual abuse, as a woman is raped every hour in Zimbabwe, with 2016 recording 8069 reported cases of rape (Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency 2019). Concerning, however, is how these acts have encroached and camped at various religious sites in Zimbabwe (Mugugunyeki 2014; Ruth Butaumocho 2014). This has also been further punctuated by high profile cases of religious leaders accused and convicted of sexually violating fellow religious members (Mugugunyeki 2014; Butaumocho 2014; Tendai Rupapa 2014). It is against this background that this article interrogates The Herald, NewsDay and Chronicle’s framing of religious rape from 2015–2017 in the aftermath of various high profile cases of religious leaders accused and convicted of raping fellow members.
This article appreciates religious rape as domination facilitated by religion. When rape is committed within religious confines, it is marked by inherent and conspicuous power discrepancies (Morey 1988). This is because religious leaders have authoritative power since they are deemed “belonging to higher order of things” and interceding “before God on behalf of their people” (Sindima 2009, 89). In Zimbabwe, this authoritative power of religious leaders is evidenced in Pentecostal churches. The power discrepancies within these churches make it difficult for congregates to speak against any abuse (Nomatter Sande 2017). For example, religious leaders (prophets) within some Pentecostal churches are referred to as Papa (father) and “such dignity and reverence ascribed to the Prophet make one think twice when abused” (Sande 2017, 53). This subsequently elevates these leaders to the status of gods (Sande 2017).
Concerning, also, is how these churches are closely-knit, as “the church becomes the believer’s extended family and ties with the extended networks of kin diminish as energies are refocussed on the nuclear family” (David Maxwell 1998, 354). When religious leaders sexually violate female congregates, it becomes difficult for them to speak up due to the dominating influence of the church and the god-like status of the accused leaders. As a result, this article analyses stories on religious rape published by The Herald, Chronicle and NewsDay, to appreciate the dominating power of religious leaders in relation to the media’s normative function of working “in conjunction with a body of social actors and providing them with essential resources” to enable them to act against such influential figures (Clifford G. Christians, Theodore L. Glasser, Dennis McQuail, Kaarle Nordenstreng, and Robert A. White 2009, 140).
This article also appreciates religious rapes as domination facilitated by patriarchy, which acts as a force legitimatising “the societal power imbalances between genders” (Harriet Winn 2018, 53). In so doing, patriarchy reinforces masculinity values of men as sexually aggressive (Winn 2018). In this case, such patriarchal domination is explained through religious leaders’ physical power to sexually violate fellow congregates. Clearly, religious leaders assume powerful positions, facilitated by patriarchy, to rape fellow congregates. In Zimbabwe, patriarchal practices confine women to subordinate positions, resulting in women losing control of their sexuality (Maureen C. Kambarami 2006). Such patriarchal practices reduce women to positions of pleasing men; this normalises men’s predatory behaviour, like rape in this case. Also Shona culture’s (largest ethnic group in Zimbabwe) narratives about sex and sexuality have “a high potential to initiate and sustain emotions and behavior that lead to rape” (Pascah Mungwini and Kudzai Matereke 2010, 2). In light of such patriarchal practices confining women to subordinate positions, it is interesting, therefore, to interrogate media discourses on religious rape in relation to the normative roles of religion and the news media.
Religious sexual abuse is a defilement of professional ethics and a serious misconduct of power (Carolyn H. Heggen 1993). As such, the victims do not only lose faith but also recognise the power imbalances between them and their abusers (Katherine van Wormer and Lois Berns 2004). Such power imbalances can be noted in some African American Churches where some pastors promote “an extremely patriarchal interpretation of the bible” to justify their sexual misconduct (Donald H. Matthews 2012). Religion, therefore, has been used to condone abusive behaviours, like women abuse, prompting Morey (1988) to highlight the difficulty for victims to speak up against abuse in such a context. Instead of appreciating rape victims’ experiences, this article draws attention to news media discourses, as they inform society’s understanding of religious rape.
Literature has also interrogated the news media’s framing of rape but without incorporating religion. Victims of rape are framed as deserving to be raped due to their careless behaviour while the perpetrators are depicted as passive and driven beyond self-control by lust (Helen Benedict 1992). At times, rape is depicted “as a tactic for revenge or simply to get attention” (Benedict 1992, 17). This shows that the news media side with perpetrators of rape and vilify the victims. However, unlike Benedict (1992), this article incorporates religion given its role as society’s “moral keeper” to understand the manner news media frame rape when the perpetrator is a religious leader deemed to be a representative of God.
Studies have also interrogated the intercession of sexual abuse and religion, Catholic sexual abuse to be specific, but such studies were mainly from western countries. The Irish television media through aggressively attacking the clergy helped to ensure that people know about Catholic sexual abuse a “behaviour that was kept secret for far too long” (Colum Kenny 2009, 74). On the other hand, the media’s coverage of sexual abuse of minors by catholic priests in the United States raised awareness of serious social problems and increased the levels of disclosure of abuse (Karen J. Terry 2017). In as much as literature on media’s coverage of Catholic child sexual abuse provides valuable contributions to understanding religious sexual abuse and the news media, it is mostly based on western countries. Yet, media systems in those countries differ from developing economies like Zimbabwe; as such, this article provides Zimbabwean experiences on the intersection of the news media and religious sexual abuse.
Previous studies also interrogated the legal system’s negative perception of rape victims. Victims of rape are embarrassed, doubted and even abused by the legal system, resulting in those with prosecuted cases being more psychologically drained compared to those without prosecuted cases (Patricia Y. Martin and Marlene R. Powell 1994). Faced with such legal hostilities, sexual assault victims turn to religion to cope with trauma (James E. Kennedy, Robert C. Davis, and Bruce G. Taylor 1998). Yet, the same institution has its blemishes since some leaders abuse their powers and sexually exploit fellow members. When religion, with its enormous grip on its subjects, becomes a perpetrator and when the legal system fails the victims, the news media become one of the important pillars of recourse. Thus, it is necessary to interrogate the manner they talk about such violations.
Understanding the media as watchdogs—the Zimbabwean media
Since religion is a powerful social actor, its power should be juxtaposed with that of the news media. The media as watchdogs have a normative function of investigating and revealing systematic and complex abuse of power (Julianne Schultz 1998). This article, thus, argues that rape victims might appear powerless in the face of authoritative religious functionaries, but the news media are mandated with investigating and revealing any abuses of power by these leaders. This is because journalists “hold the means to report and disseminate stories that can engage the public’s sense of right and wrong” (James S. Ettema and Theodore L. Glasser 1998, 4). However, this watchdog role of the media needs to be tested especially when the power of religion passionately cuts across the preferences of individual journalists since some of them are also religious subjects.
This article focuses on Zimbabwean daily newspapers as journalists would be chasing tight deadlines while they would be expected to monitor powerful actors, like religious leaders, and report any abuse of power. Zimbabwe has four daily newspapers split between those largely servicing the northern and eastern parts of the country and those predominantly servicing the southern and western parts of the country. I selected daily newspapers from across this divide to have publications cutting across the country’s newspaper readership spectrum. The Herald and the NewsDay largely service the northern and eastern parts of the country; however, also fundamental in selecting the two publications was their readership since The Herald is the most read publication followed by the NewsDay (Mashudu Netsianda 2017). The Chronicle, on the other hand, is the most read publication in the southern and western parts of the country (Netsianda 2017).
Discourse theory
Informed by discourse theory, the article argues that religious rape exists in the material world but it is further assigned meaning by the language systems that we use (Stuart Hall 1997). In this case, the language system refers to the three publications’ stories on religious rape. This means that society’s understanding and perception of religious rape is somewhat shaped by news discourses—through the manner they talk about such violations. It is, thus, fundamental to analyse news stories on religious sexual abuse, as discourses, to unpack the discourses they draw on and the discourses they further (re)produce. In so doing, this article also analyses how news texts position religious sexual abuse in relation with other social actions.
Analysing news stories on religious rape is fundamental as “the ways we think and talk about a subject influence and reflect the ways we act in relation to that subject” (Michael Karlberg 2005, 19). This means that the manner the three publications frame religious rape also influence how society understands this form of abuse and guide the actions of both victims and perpetrators. This is so as people acquire identities “by being represented discursively” (Marianne Jørgensen and Louise Phillips 2012, 43); this means that the identities of both victims and perpetrators of religious sexual abuse are somewhat shaped by news media discourses through drawing on and excluding other discourses.
Methodology
Within the period under study (2015–2017), the Chronicle published 58 stories on religious rape while The Herald published 30 stories and the NewsDay published 34 stories. I physically accessed these stories from different libraries, and after reading them, I divided them into four categories based on their content—religious leaders accused of rape, religious leaders accused of raping minors, religious leaders acquitted of rape, and religious leaders convicted and sentenced for rape. The chronicle had 34 stories on religious leaders accused of rape while The Herald had 21 stories and the NewsDay had 29 stories. The Chronicle had eight stories on religious leaders accused of raping minors, The Herald had only one story and the NewsDay did not have any story. On the category of religious leaders acquitted of rape, the Chronicle and The Herald had five stories each while the NewsDay had three stories. Lastly, the Chronicle had 11 stories on religious leaders convicted and sentenced for rape while The Herald had three stories and the NewsDay had two stories.
Purposive sampling was used to select stories from the four categories for analysis using qualitative frame analysis. Fundamental in selecting the stories on religious leaders accused of rape was the power, physical or authoritative, used by these leaders to commit these acts while essential in selecting stories on religious leaders convicted and sentenced for rape were the sentences given to these leaders. Ultimately, 10 stories on religious leaders accused of rape were sampled from the Chronicle while The Herald had seven stories and the NewsDay 11 stories. Four stories on religious leaders accused of raping minors were sampled from the Chronicle while The Herald had only one story. Four stories on religious leaders acquitted of rape were sampled from the Chronicle while The Herald also had a similar number of stories and the NewsDay had three stories. Seven (7) stories on religious leaders convicted and sentenced for rape were sampled from the Chronicle while The Herald had three stories and the NewsDay had two stories. In total, 25 stories were sampled from the Chronicle while 15 were sampled from The Herald and 16 from the NewsDay. In total, all the sampled stories were 56.
Qualitative frame analysis was then used to unpack the three publications’ discourses on religious rape. The method entails comprehensive engagement with a text to identify emerging frames (Colleen Connolly-Ahern and Camille S. Broadway 2008). A frame, in this case, refers to “a central organising idea or story line that provides meaning to an unfolding strip of events … ” (William A. Gamson and Andre Modigliani 1987,143 cited in Dietram A. Scheufele 1999, 106). Therefore, using qualitative frame analysis the article identifies the story lines (discourses) foregrounded in the three publications’ stories on religious rape.
Findings
The article argues that the three publications in their coverage of religious rape mainly regurgitate court proceedings. In so doing, they failed to perform the watchdog role of investigating religious leaders’ wrongdoings and bringing them to the attention of the judiciary. A close reading of the three publications’ stories show how they constructed religion as irreproachable while the accused leaders were constructed as dubious and not belonging to the sacred institution. On the other hand, religious rape was largely constructed as a woman’s issue invited through misguided behaviour. The following section discusses, in detail, the discourses on religious rape that emerged from the analysed stories.
Discourses on religious rape
A reading of the sampled stories from the three publications demonstrates how religious rape is stripped of criminality while religion is represented as irreproachable. To begin with, the three publications wittingly or unwittingly clear religion of blame through referring to religious leaders accused of rape as either “self-styled” or “self-proclaimed”. Reference is made to the NewsDay story titled “Star FM ‘prophet’ acquitted on 4 of 6 rape allegations.” In the story, the prophet is referred to as “self-styled”, but a close reading of the story reveals that he has a prayer room for spiritual cleansing. Again, the story omits mentioning that the accused prophet, Onbert Mapfumo, is the founder of a church called Grace Ministries. One might argue that this omission might be somewhat used to justify the description of the prophet as self-styled. In describing the accused prophet as self-styled, the publication questions his religious credentials and further draws a distinction between him (who is dirty) and religion which is blameless. In addition, The Herald in an article titled “Magaya trial: 11 witnesses to testify,” describes Magaya as a “self-styled” prophet. Yet, Magaya has a church and is followed by thousands countrywide.
In describing the rape-accused prophets as self-styled, the three publications can be accused of trying to clear religion from blame since “self-styled” and “self-proclaimed” indicate that these leaders were not anointed by God, but imposed themselves. However, this narrative is problematic as despite being labelled “self-styled” and “self-proclaimed”, these leaders are like other leaders since they have churches or shrines, and also have healing powers. The use of self-styled to describe religious leaders accused of rape parades the three publications’ religious bias and further cast doubt on rape victims’ narratives as readers will question their motives of visiting such “dubious” leaders for assistance. As a result, women are somehow blamed for falling prey to fake prophets not bound by any religious values. This supports Benedict (1992) who argues that rape victims are framed as deserving to be raped due to their careless behaviour. In this case, the careless behaviour is the victims’ failure to notice that these leaders were not authentic but “self-styled”.
Endeavours to clear religion and its leaders of blameworthiness are apparent in The Herald story titled “Magaya receives standing ovation.” At that time Magaya, a prophet, had been arrested and arraigned before the court on rape charges. In focusing on congregants’ standing ovation as Magaya enters and insinuating that they are unmoved by allegations leveled against him, the reporter wittingly or unwittingly affirms him innocent. Phillip Santos and Mthokozisi P. Ndhlovu (2016) illustrate the active role of the news media in selecting issues talked about and how they are talked about. It can, thus, be argued that the reporter’s choice of this story is not innocent but motivated and aimed at proffering subjective judgement, affirming Magaya’s innocence. Such subjective narration is also noted when the reporter decides to focus on Magaya’s followers jostling to “have him lay his hand on their heads”. This is problematic as such reception routinely happen in most Pentecostal churches in Zimbabwe (inclusive of Magaya church), but it is never reported as news. This demonstrates the subjective nature of news “as the account of the event, not something intrinsic in the event itself” (Curtis D. MacDougal 1968, 12).
Religious rape is stripped of criminality and constructed as consensual. This is noted in The Herald story titled “Bishop Magorimbo not guilty” where a magistrate is cited saying to the victim of rape “why would she continue to go to the same church for six months after the alleged rape, and continue to refer to one who violated her as a spiritual father?” This clearly shows that the magistrate believes that the sex was consensual since the victim continued going to the same church. However, such statements are blind to power manipulations as the powerful actors subtly force the less powerful actors to do things they would not normally do (Karlberg 2005). In this case, the pastor is at a privileged position unlike the victim in need of assistance and at the mercy of the pastor. Sande (2017) further explains the power discrepancies within Pentecostal churches, offering the prophets a god-like status. Such circumstances may explain why the woman after being raped repeatedly visited and pastor and continued referring to him as a man of God.
The magistrate’s sentiments seem to be blind to power manipulations and the power discrepancies within different churches in Zimbabwe. Such sentiments attract attention to the victim instead of the perpetrator. As such, Martin and Powell (1994) argue that rape victims with prosecuted cases feel more psychologically drained than those who have not reported their case. Such sentiments by the magistrate have similar effects as victims of religious rape might subsequently suffer sexual exploitation in silence fearing that everyone, including the media and the judiciary system, will doubt their narratives.
Religious rape is also constructed as a woman’s issue invited through misguided conduct. Evidence is observed in the NewsDay story titled “Lovelorn woman falls prey to prophet.” The story frames the accused prophet in a passive position when confronted by a sexually-starved woman who had not been approached by a man in four years. The writer even labels the woman as desperate. Such descriptions blame the victim for her misfortunes and clear the “poor” prophet of any liabilities. This also further reinforces patriarchal values and normalises men’s predatory behaviour (see Kambarami 2006). This is in line with Benedict (1992) who notes that perpetrators of rape are depicted as passive and driven by lust beyond self-control. In this case, the prophet was driven by lust beyond self-control after being approached by a lovelorn woman who had not been approached by a man in four years.
Another case of rape being constructed as a woman’s issue is observed in The Herald and the NewsDay stories respectively titled “AFM pastor’s case crumbles” and “Senior AFM pastor faces 5 counts of rape”. The writers narrate how the woman was raped five times by the pastor, but the narration is marked by a tinge of suspicion, as the writers repeatedly account how the woman failed to tell anyone about the abuse instead of questioning what the pastor did for the woman to silently endure such exploitation. In wittingly or unwittingly omitting the woman’s version on why she behaved in that manner, the two publications provide biased narratives in support of the perpetrator. This further demonstrates the news media’s vilification of rape victims and in the process accusing them of inviting their misfortunes through misguided behaviour (Carine M. Mardorossian 2014).
The three publications’ also provide skewed narratives mainly explaining the perpetrators’ accounts while the victims are rarely given space to explain their version of events. Reference is made to The Herald story titled “Rapist pastor granted bail.” The story only provides the perpetrator’s account of events. As a result, the pastor depicts himself favourably, saying he explained to the victims that he would make a “sacrificial prayer in which he was required to have sexual intercourse with them.” Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky (1988) explain how source bias intentionally or inadvertently slants news. Accordingly, The Herald might not be direct in its judgement, but such skewed accounts tend to influence audiences to side with the perpetrator since his side of the story is explained, unlike the victim. Another example of this bias can be noted in the NewsDay story titled “My wife apologised for being raped by bishop.” The story provides the victim’s husband account of how she apologised for being raped by the bishop. The story does not even give the woman a chance to explain why she apologised for being raped. Again, the NewsDay might not have been direct in its judgement, but one might argue that such a slanted account works in favour of the perpetrator as an apology, without context, might be interpreted to mean that the woman was not raped.
However, to some degree, it can also be noted that some of the three publications’ stories and subject positions encourage rape victims to report their cases. This, however, is more accurate to stories on religious leaders’ sentencing as they convince victims of the vulnerability of these leaders. Evidence is observed in The Herald story titled “Rapist pastor jailed 22 years”. In the story, a magistrate, cognisant of power manipulations, is cited saying after the pastor healed a congregant from HIV, other congregants were convinced of his status as a “true man of God” and were bound to believe in his “every word after witnessing these miracles.” This narrative is encouraging, especially to victims of religious rape, as it unpacks religious power manipulations and further explains cases of victims repeatedly visiting these leaders even after sexual exploitation. It can, therefore, be argued that after reading such stories, religious rape victims might be somewhat motivated to report their cases.
Minor variations can be observed in the three publications’ stories. A close reading of the sampled stories shows that the Chronicle was the only publication to write a story not based on court proceedings. Of all the 56 sampled stories across the three publications, only one story published by the Chronicle titled “Salvation Army pastor rapes woman (19) in church office hotel”, was not based on court proceedings. In bringing out such issues before they reach the courts, the reporter somewhat assumed the watchdog stance of “barking when some major social actor is perceived to be acting against the public interest (Christians et al. 2009, 146). In this case, the religious leaders are acting against the public interest through abusing their powers and sexually abusing fellow religious members.
Discussions
The article argues that the three publications reactively covered religious rape. This is noted in how they regurgitate court proceedings instead of acting first and exposing religious sexual abuse. Since the watchdog role entails the news media exposing social ills (Christians et al. 2009), it can be argued that in regurgitating court proceedings, which are already in the public domain, the three publications failed to perform the watchdog function. In fact, such stories can be argued to be churnalism instead of watchdogism. Churnalism, in this case, refers to how the news media recycle information without any independent reporting (Tony Harcup 2004). In the same manner, the three publications recycled court proceedings without any independent reporting, leaving, at times, readers with more questions than answers. Reference is made to the NewsDay story about a victim apologising for being raped. In this case, readers are left with unanswered questions on why the victim apologised. Clearly, this is different from watchdog or investigative journalism which is proactive (Stephen J.A. Ward 2010).
In constructing religion as irreproachable, the three publications seem to be turning a blind eye on sexual exploitations committed by religious leaders. It can be argued that the majority of the stories were reported because they were in courts. This is different from cases of the Catholic child sexual abuse in Ireland where Kenny (2009) explains how the television journalism unearthed a behaviour that was kept a secret. Similarly, Terry (2017) shows how the media’s coverage of sexual abuse of minors by catholic priests in the United States increased the levels of disclosure of abuse. However, in Zimbabwe the three publications cannot be said to have unearthed religious sexual abuse as they were mainly reporting cases that were being prosecuted. This shows the differences between media systems in western countries, like Ireland and the United States, and developing countries, like Zimbabwe.
The three publications’ frames of religious sexual abuse further reinforce the dominant patriarchal values. Kambarami (2006) explain how patriarchal attitudes are reinforced in the family through socialisation. In this case, the same values are further reinforced by the news media through their frame of religious rape. For example, in clearing religion of blame and questioning women accusing religious leaders of rape, the three publications can be accused of confining women to subordinate positions in line with patriarchy. Mungwini and Matereke (2010, 2) demonstrate how Shona culture’s narratives promote and sustain rape. In the same manner, this study argues that The Herald, NewsDay and Chronicle frames on religious rape and the language used promote religious rape. This is because some religious leaders after reading stories blaming victims instead of questioning power manipulations might fancy their chances of getting away with rape.
Conclusion
The three publications’ framing of religious rape demonstrate their complicity in shielding religion from blame at the expense of the victims. The three publications failed to perform the watchdog function of working “in conjunction with a body of social actors and providing them with essential resources” to enable hold these leaders to account (Christians et al. 2009, 140). In fact, the three publications’ mainly regurgitated court proceedings without any independent reporting. This varies greatly from the United States and Ireland where the media played a leading role in unearthing cases of Catholic child sexual abuse (Kenny 2009; Terry 2017). However, in Zimbabwe, the three publications mainly reported on information that was already in the public domain—the media was, therefore, more engaged in churnalism than watchdogism. The three publications framed religious rape as a woman’s issue invited through irresponsible behaviour, like consulting dubious self-styled prophets. This further reinforces arguments by Benedict (1992) that rape victims are portrayed as deserving to be raped due to their careless behaviour while the perpetrators are depicted as driven by lust beyond self-control.